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Human beings do not act only on logic or immediate interest; they act on remembered experience as well. What we remember—pain, pride, injustice, kindness quietly guides our choices. Memory, therefore, is not merely about the past. It is an active tool that shapes personality, public behaviour, and the way societies are governed.
Personality develops over time, shaped by how experiences are stored and recalled. Two people may go through similar events, yet respond differently because they remember them differently. One recalls failure as humiliation; another remembers it as learning. Over time, these remembered meanings harden into temperament, confidence, caution, empathy, or bitterness.
Memory therefore is central to moral behaviour. People who remember the consequences of harm tend to restrain themselves. Those who remember generosity often repeat it. Memory functions as an internal regulator, shaping how individuals govern themselves even when no external authority is present.
Nations, too, remember. They remember wars, famines, revolutions, humiliations, and achievements. These collective memories shape public expectations and political culture. A society that remembers exploitation tends to value freedom. One that remembers chaos may prioritise order. Memory, therefore, influences what citizens tolerate and what they resist. Governance operates within this remembered emotional landscape.This is why states invest in national holidays, memorials, and symbols. These are not decorative rituals. They are tools for shaping collective memory—and through it, public consent.
No society can remember everything equally. Choices are constantly made about which events deserve emphasis and which fade into the background.The problem arises when selection becomes manipulation. When inconvenient facts are erased or uncomfortable histories are denied, memory stops serving society and starts serving power. Citizens who lack historical memory are easier to mobilise emotionally and harder to govern ethically.
However, the solution is not endless remembrance of grievances. Societies that remain trapped in past wounds often find it difficult to cooperate or reform. Governance requires a balanced memory—one that acknowledges injustice without converting it into permanent hostility.
At its best, memory strengthens governance by introducing humility and restraint. Leaders who remember policy failures are less likely to repeat them. Institutions with strong records and archives develop continuity instead of constant reinvention. This is why stable civil services value institutional memory: it protects the state from short-term political impulses.
Memory can also enable reconciliation. South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission was based on the assumption that suppressed memory poisons the future. Instead of forgetting apartheid, the country chose structured remembrance. The goal was not revenge, but moral closure. Governance proceeded not by denying the past, but by absorbing it.
Two dangers follow from mishandling memory. Societies that forget past struggles often lose the ability to defend hard-won freedoms. Democratic erosion is easiest where people no longer remember why safeguards were created.When memory is weaponised—when past injuries are endlessly revived for political mobilisation governance becomes reactive and polarised. Public policy then serves emotion rather than reason.
Good governance requires memory to be educative, not incendiary. History must be taught with honesty, context, and proportion—not as a tool for humiliation or glorification, but as a guide for judgment. A mature society does not fear memory, nor does it worship it blindly. It reflects on memory, argues with it, and learns from it. In doing so, it creates citizens capable of self-restraint and governments capable of ethical authority.Memory, then, is not a burden of the past. If handled with honesty, balance and care, it is a resource for the future.
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