BJP will form government in Odisha, said Manmohan Samal while denying any possibility of an alliance with BJD in the state. This statement of Samal has somehow put all speculations related to BJP-BJD alliance to rest.
“We will win the elections with the help and blessings of the people of Odisha and form the State government alone. We will fight the elections over the pride of the Odia people. We will make the government at the Centre for the third time and in Odisha, for the first time. Our election committee will meet tomorrow afternoon to discuss about our plans,” he said to the reporters.
The announcement came after his return from Delhi this morning. Union Home Minister Amit Shah had called another round of meeting on Wednesday. The state BJP leadership, which was camping in Delhi, met Home Minister Amit Shah. He held discussions with State BJP president Manmohan Samal, organisation secretary Manas Mohanty, election in-charge Vijay Pal Singh Tomar and co-in-charge Lata Usendi.
Speaking to reporters, BJP leader Pradeep Purohit said, "BJD's 25-year-rule in Odisha is going to end this year. Looking at the trust and support of the people of Odisha, Manmohan Samal has announced that BJP will fight the elections alone and is going to form the government here alone too.
On the other hand, as per sources, an emergency meeting will be held at Naveen Niwas today and some senior party leaders and the party’s district observers have reportedly been called to attend the meeting. The meeting is likely to discuss the bottlenecks in seat-sharing with the BJP.
Meanwhile, BJD MLA Sambeet Routray said, "All the talks about a possible coalition between us were made by the BJP leaders. They were running to Delhi to meet their Central leaders about an alliance. But we have said from the beginning that BJD will take a decision taking the interests of party and the people of Odisha into account. We do not have anything to comment on BJP's stand now."
"Even CM Naveen Patnaik had said that rumours and lies should not be believed in politics. We have never said anything about an alliance. We have said that the party Supremo will take the final call. If BJP did not want an alliance, then why was Samal running to Delhi every day. We did not ask him to go there. His actions and media bytes indicated and fuelled speculations that there will be an alliance.But no BJD leader or spokesperson ever said about an alliance. And as far as their claims of forming the government in Odisha is concerned, everybody knows what the result of Assembly elections is going to be," Routray added.
Odisha BJP president Manmohan Samal, and Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan among others attended the Core Committee meeting held under the chairmanship of BJP National President JP Nadda. Union Home Minister Amit Shah was also present.
Also Read: Will there be an alliance between BJP and BJD ahead of 2024 elections?
“There was discussion on alliance but nothing is final now. The top leaders of the party will decide on it. But we have told that we will fight alone. We gave our opinion, but whatever the Central leaders of the party decide, we will abide by it. Various issues on how to fight elections were discussed at the crucial meeting,” said Oram after the core committee meeting in New Delhi.
Oram said that already the list of candidates has been prepared and the party president and others will take a final decision for the 147 Assembly and 21 Lok Sabha seats. According to Oram, no discussion on seat sharing was held.
“I cannot comment on any alliance issue. The top leadership of the party will comment on it,” said Oram.
Meanwhile, senior leaders of the BJD also held a series of meetings with Odisha CM Naveen Patnaik at his official residence in Bhubaneswar on Wednesday.
The senior BJP leader neither categorically ruled out nor gave a clear answer when she was asked by the media regarding the ongoing buzz about the BJD-BJP alliance ahead of the crucial 2024 elections in Odisha.
Also Read: Are BJP-BJD alliance rumours another ‘false narrative and BJD’s propaganda’ once cited by Assam CM?
“There will be a double-engine government in Odisha this time,” said Lata. Lata further said that there will be development in Odisha as the people here want.
To a question whether the double-engine government will be with BJD, Lata said, “There will be a double-engine government in Odisha.”
It is pertinent to mention here that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is scheduled to visit Odisha’s Jajpur district on March 5, 2024.
The BJD-BJP bonhomie was clearly visible during Modi’s last visit when he called Odisha CM Naveen Patnaik as his friend during a programme in Sambalpur. However, the state leadership of the BJP has time again targeted the ruling BJD over several issues at regular intervals.
It remains to be seen what twists and turns are witnessed in Odisha’s political scenario in the run-up to the general elections.
Prior to the grand event held on Tuesday, a political slugfest erupted with several political parties including BJP and Congress seeing red behind Odisha government’s move to demolish the iconic Barabati stadium to pave the way for a massive infrastructural boost.
Former Odisha Cricket Association (OCA) Secretary Ashirbad Behera had to intervene and pacify the storm by claiming that the stadium would be renovated and the iconic structures would not be demolished. He went on to add that some portions of the stadium have become weak and hence, they need immediate restoration.
With crucial 2024 general elections round the corner, all eyes are now on the next move by the Opposition parties, especially the BJP.
Will the Saffron party take up the Barabati stadium issue to corner the BJD government, as it is trying hard to dethrone the Naveen Patnaik government in Odisha by raising several such issues.
As Barabati stadium is linked to the emotions of scores of people of Odisha, especially of Cuttack, it will be interesting to watch whether the BJP takes up an aggressive stand by invoking the ‘Cuttack Pride’ issue? This comes in the backdrop of alleged conspiracy to shift prominent offices from Cuttack to Bhubaneswar in the past.
Also Read: Barabati Cricket Stadium renovation: Foundation stone laid for project
Eyes will also be on the Congress leadership at the state-level as to how they play the Barabati card during the upcoming election as there is a mixed response to infrastructural development proposed among several sections in the society.
Congress’ Barabati-Cuttack MLA Mohammed Moquim recently said that there was absolutely no logic in demolishing the stadium on the plea that it has become weak. The state government can either go for renovation or construct an international standard stadium at another location, if needed, he said.
BJP leader Sritam Das said, “Be it football or other sports, Cuttack has produced several players in the past. We do not have any problem with the renovation of Barabati Stadium. But demolishing the stadium and wiping out historical events associated with it is not justified. Barabati was constructed for all sports, not just cricket.”
The Odisha government plans to revamp Barabati Stadium into a world-class sports complex with all modern facilities. A budget of around Rs 700 crore has been earmarked for the mega project.
From the existing 42,000, the seating capacity for the audience at Barabati will be increased to 60,000.
It has been learnt that OCA has already prepared a Detailed Project Report (DPR) following a green signal by the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI).
Also Read: Massive plans for Cuttack Barabati Stadium’s transformation into world-class sports campus
A retail mall along with a 5-star hotel and office spaces will come up in the area adjacent to Barabati stadium.
The area in front of the stadium will be developed as a public plaza. It is said that it could become one of the main open public spaces for the people of Cuttack.
It will be a litmus test for the three major political parties in Odisha- BJD, BJP and the Congress. Of late, the Odisha unit of Congress has started to re-organise under its new PCC chief Sarat Pattnayak and in-charge Ajoy Kumar.
Even though a direct fight is on the cards between the ruling BJD and the BJP to grab power, all eyes are also on the Congress here to witness if the grand old party can put up a good show in the 2024 polls in Odisha by doing better than the last election.
Meanwhile, the state leadership of Congress has upped the ante and decided to announce all its candidates in the first week of March. This time, applications were invited online from candidates keen to contest the upcoming polls. Sources said that the Team Ajoy Kumar has already given its feedback and a final decision will soon be taken by the screening committee.
What would be more interesting to watch whether the Congress would be able to accommodate BJD and BJP dissidents? Such speculations are rife since Odisha Congress In-charge Ajoy Kumar stated that there was dissidence in BJD and a lot of leaders are in touch with the Congress.
These speculations assume significance in the backdrop that the ruling BJD is grappling with several issues, including infighting and multiple candidates per constituency or to say, ‘the problem of surplus’.
Recently, BJD’s organisational secretary, Pranab Prakash Das in his official X (formerly Twitter) handle revealed that the party has received more than 10,000 applications for party tickets for the 2024 general elections.
Pacifying the disgruntled lot would be a challenging task for the BJD leadership as a lot is at stake for the regional party as the BJP under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership is all set to give a tough fight while aiming to dethrone the Naveen Patnaik-led BJD government in Odisha.
BJP has also kept its door open for the dissidents- from both BJD and Congress. Recently, Gopalpur MLA Pradip Panigrahi, who was expelled from BJD, joined the saffron camp.
Apart from Panigrahi, another prominent BJD leader and former minister Debasis Nayak has also joined the BJP.
On the other hand, it is believed that the BJP may accommodate more dissidents as Congress is still struggling to make its presence felt in the state. Besides, the Congress itself is witnessing infighting which will only add more trouble for the party in the coming days, believe political experts.
In the video, Das Burma can be heard saying to have got the green signal to contest the upcoming general elections on BJD ticket from Satyabadi after leaving Brahmagiri in Puri district.
In the meeting, Das Burma can be further heard saying that Uma Samantaray will be contesting from Brahmagiri. Other equations like what would happen if Uma Samantaray does not accept this reshuffle were also discussed during the meeting attended by Burma.
After the video went viral, Satyabadi MLA Uma Samantaray said, “Our leader is Naveen Patnaik and his decision is final. Everybody is ready to accept whatever is said. I do not want to comment on who is saying what.”
According to Samantray, no ticket has been declared by the BJD supremo and other senior leaders yet. “I have won as Zilla Parishad and MLA as an independent candidate from Satyabadi,” said Samantaray.
Following the development, both Sanjay Das Burma and Uma Samantray were called to BJD headquarters Sankha Bhawan for a meeting which was also attended by the party’s Organisational Secretary Pranab Prakash Das on Wednesday.
Senior journalist Prasanna Mohanty said, “It is just the beginning ahead of 2024 elections. A similar situation will happen in Bhubaneswar and other parts of the state. Both leaders-Sanjay Das Burma and Uma Samantaray- are at loggerheads. Burma once felt sidelined in the party and now why he is keen on changing the constituency. It seems that he (Burma) has got some indication from top leadership for which he organised such meeting.”
According to Mohanty, under such circumstances, it will be a tough challenge for BJD to pacify Uma Samantaray who has a strong base in Satyabadi.
Responding to the development, BJP leader Rama Ranjan Baliarsingh said, “It is an internal matter of BJD. But Satyabadi is a land of sacrifice and the battle in BJD is to acquire power. People are watching it and will give a befitting reply to those who are coming only to enjoy power instead of serving people. Anybody’s self-declaration is not enough unless the concerned party leadership announces it. I think that BJD will lose both the seats under such a situation.”
He sent off a letter to Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge, informing him about his resignation.
In the letter, he said he was finding it difficult to carry out his responsibility to provide necessary service to the people of Angul and Odisha while being in the party.
Also Read: Odisha Congress gets 2500 aspirants for 147 Assembly seats
A primary member of the Indian National Congress for 30 years, Biplab has indicated in his letter that he may start with a clean slate by joining any other party.
“It is best to look ahead at a fresh start which may fulfil the dream of my associates and people with me,” he wrote.
At a time when the Congress is trying to grow stronger by bringing back suspended senior leaders like Mohammed Moquim and Chiranjib Biswal, Biplab Jena’s resignation is viewed as a blow to the party’s district-level organization.
Till now, pregnant women & lactating mothers were receiving Rs 5000 in two instalments. As per the new decision, they will receive Rs 10,000. All the beneficiaries will receive the assistance money retrospectively from August 2023. They will get the accrued benefit between February 20 and 25.
Also Read: Third Rajya Sabha nominee from Odisha: Suspense continues as BJD remains tight-lipped
The beneficiaries will receive the increased assistance money under the Mamata Yojana in their bank passbooks in two instalments. The first instalment of Rs 6000 will be given after six months of pregnancy and the second and final instalment of Rs 4000 will be paid after the child is 10 months old.
The Mamata Yojana was launched in 2011 with the objective of reducing infant and maternal mortality rates and malnutrition.
Chouhan targeted the state government soon after arriving at Bhubaneswar airport today. He is scheduled to visit Jagatsinghpur and meet booth-level works and review Lok Sabha election preparedness in Cuttack
“Prime Minister has taken a pledge to make Vikshit Bharat and to make this vision a reality we are carrying out our work. In Odisha, both Assembly and Lok Sabha elections will be held together. Here, the Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik has outsourced his government,” alleged Chouhan.
According to the senior BJP leader, CM Naveen Patnaik is not running the government rather his officers are doing the job. The officers have created a web of corruption and no work is being done without giving bribe. The women are also not safe here in Odisha, he said.
“The Prime Minister has implemented a number of welfare schemes and granted funds to Odisha. The central schemes are not being implemented in Odisha. The funds are sent by the Centre but Naveen ji is rebranding the schemes in his own name. The people have now come to know about this,” said Chouhan.
While interacting with the media persons upon his arrival, Chouhan said that the people of Odisha love Narendra Modi and his popularity has high among people.
"We will not only win more Lok Sabha seats but also form government in Odisha,” he said.
Responding to media query on BJD’s women vote bank, Chouhan said, “Only publicity is made under SHG scheme. The beneficiaries are not getting benefits as the officers of Naveen Babu are only doing branding and not doing any work.”
To a question on alleged nexus with BJD, the former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan said that the BJP will fight the election on its own and win as well in Odisha.
The protest was reported from a PDS ration distribution point at Mastrapara in Phulbani town.
The BJP members protested the use of such bags by the PDS dealer and urged him to refrain from the act. But he reportedly continued to distribute rice provided by the Centre with bags branded with State government schemes, following which the BJP members burnt all such bags.
The burning of bags created a face off situation between the BJP and Biju Janata Dal (BJD) members.
BJP’s Lok Sabha Coordinator for Kandhamal, Ramesh Chandra Mohanty said, “People are getting to know that the rice is actually provided by the Central government. The BJD members have gone mad by seeing their vote bank getting away from their hands. Frustrated BJD leaders have now resorted to bag politics by misleading people with Odisha government logos on them.”
“I was distributing PDS rice in the bags. Four to five people came suddenly and asked me to stop. When I did not stop, they took away my bags from the shop,” said the PDS dealer Laba Dakua.
The PDS dealer and Phulbani MLA, Angad Kahanr lodged a complaint against BJP members at Phulbani Town Police Station in this connection.
“The people are getting Rs 1 rice in the bags branded with 5T logo. They restricted the rice distribution. I want strict action against them,” said Kahanr.
It is pertinent to mention here that a similar protest was held at Balugaon in Khordha over allegations of hijacking the PDS rice by the Odisha government to get undue political benefit.
To press their point, BJP members took out a protest march at Balugaon and burnt bags with those logos in front of a PDS dealer point at the NAC.
The state’s top Congress leaders including OPCC chief Sarat Pattanayak and Suresh Routray gave Rahul Gandhi a rousing welcome at Biramitrapur.
Thousands of people turned up at the meeting place to hear Gandhi. While addressing the gathering, he said his yatra’s main objective was to unite India.
Also Read: No lobby will work; leaders to apply online for party tickets: Odisha Congress in-charge
“The objective of the yatra is to unite India. I have started this yatra protesting against the central government’s five types of injustice meted out to poor people of the country. They include unemployment, rising prices of essential commodities, privatisation, and closing down of public sector units,” he said.
He also added that he would be in Odisha for three days and during this period he would listen to people’s grievances.
The state unit of the grand old party had a closed-door meeting today at the state guest house. Besides OPCC president Sarat Pattanayak, Odisha in-charge of the Congress Ajoy Kumar, and AICC Screening Committee chairman Madhusudan Mistry were also present.
Also Read: Congress leader Rahul Gandhi to visit Odisha on February 6
Sources close to the party said the AICC has entrusted the responsibility of bringing transparency in ticket distribution to Pravin Kumar. Soon, e-forms will be made available for aspiring candidates to apply. In case of more than one aspirant, the Pradesh Election Committee will study the winnability of the candidates and choose one from among them. Then, a list of the aspiring candidates will be sent to the Screening Committee. After the approval of the Screening Committee, tickets will be given to the suitable candidates, informed sources.
“If anyone wants to contest elections, they have to apply online. Then there will be a survey team. The survey will be transparent without entertaining any lobby of any leaders. The report will be submitted to the Pradesh Election Committee. The Pradesh Election Committee will then send its final list to Delhi,” said Ajoy Kumar.
Informing about the selection procedure, OPCC chief Sarat Pattanayak said, “For ticket distribution, complete transparency will be followed. A candidate’s winnability will be our first criterion. Our priority will be women and young faces. Besides, those who lost the last election by slender margins will also be considered.”
In all these years of watching political developments in the state, this columnist cannot recollect one previous instance when a cabinet minister and a former minister were seen clearing the road, waving hands a la traffic cops, even for the Chief Minister. For that matter, he hasn’t seen anyone hog the entire stage all by himself with all other ‘leaders’ banished downstairs. And that includes the late Biju Patnaik, the man every BJD leader swears by, and Naveen Patnaik, Chief Minister for a record-breaking five consecutive terms. Together, the two tell-all pictures (and the videos too) are symptomatic of all that is wrong with the ruling party.
In fact, the posters and banners of the ruling party that have come up all over the state as part of the preparation for the upcoming polls make for an immensely fascinating study of the changing political equations in the state. In at least some of them, the picture of Mr. VK Pandian is bigger than that of Naveen Patnaik, the ‘supreme’ leader of the party. One could have dismissed it as a shameless effort by a craven party functionary eager to ingratiate himself with the ‘ordinary’ party worker. But the conduct of cabinet minister Pratap Keshari Deb and BJD organization secretary Pranab Prakash Das proved, if any proof was still needed, that Mr. Pandian is now bigger than Naveen Patnaik himself!
The grapevine has it that Naveen’s rift with the late Pyari Mohan Mohapatra, the man who played Man Friday to the BJD supremo before Pandian stepped in to replace him, began with a hoarding put up in Kalahandi where the picture of the ‘uncle’ was a little bigger than that of his humble ‘nephew’! But there are no signs of the supremo taking offence at this all-too-visible attempt at self-promotion by his trusted lieutenant at his expense – at least not yet. This can mean only one thing. The Boss is now resigned, for whatever reason, to his former secretary running both the party and the state by proxy while he cools his heels inside the fortified confines of Naveen Nivas.
It is simply not possible that the leaders of the ruling party, including ministers, are unaware of the public reaction to their craven show of sycophancy for a man who holds no party post and is yet engaged in a no-holds-barred exercise to promote himself and usurp all power. Seasoned politicians that they are, they have their ears to the ground and know they are being ridiculed, laughed at, and caricatured on a daily basis; not just on social media, but also in street conversations across the state. If they are still putting up with the humiliation, it is because they know that is the way the Boss wants it. Notwithstanding Mr. Pandian’s announcement that he will not contest the next elections, they know it will be the ‘5T Chairperson’ – and not the party president – who will decide who gets a party ticket and – if the party wins a record-breaking sixth successive term – who becomes a minister.
It is possible that all the pent-up anger, anguish and humiliation suffered by party leaders will boil over at some point – before or after the elections - and rock the boat. But that is a story for another day. For now, it is Pandian all the way!!
BJP legislators Jagdish Devda and Rajendra Shukla were also sworn in as the Deputy Chief Minister.
The oath-taking ceremony was conducted by Governor Mangubhai Patel at Bhopal's Motilal Nehru stadium. Prime Minister Narendra Modi along with Union Home Minister Amit Shah and the BJP's national president J. P. Nadda attended the occasion.
Union Ministers Nitin Gadkari, Jyotiraditya Scindia, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde, Uttarakhand CM Pushkar Singh Dhami and some other senior BJP leaders were also present on the occasion.
With this, Yadav became the 19th CM of Madhya Pradesh, who replaced former CM Shivraj Singh Chouhan, who ruled the state for over 16 years.
The BJP won 163 out of 230 assembly seats in Madhya Pradesh, while the Congress which had emerged as winner with 114 seats in 2018, reduced to 66.
Barring a 15-month stint in Congress in 2018-2020, the BJP has ruled MP since 2003 without interruption. Much of that was under the leadership of Shivraj Singh Chouhan, whose time as a CM also came to an end, for now, with Yadav’s elevation.
In the morning, just when the counting of votes began in the four states and initial trend showed Congress leading, many enthusiastic workers dressed in traditional attires thronged to the party headquarter here.
The supporters danced to the folk tunes of Rajasthan. Some party workers even came to the headquarters dressed as Lord Ram, Lakhsman and Hanuman. Even 'ladoos' (sweets) were ordered at the party headquarters.
The cheer, however, was short-lived when the BJP started taking leads in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh.
The expression on the faces of the Congress workers was clearly evident as their hope was shattered. Many party workers also raised slogans against the usage of the EVM machine in the polls.
Despite running aggressive campaigns and promising guarantees, the Congress seems to be unable to win people's trust in the election.
Voting for the 90-member Assembly of Chhattisgarh took place on November 7 and 17, for 230-member Madhya Pradesh Assembly on November 17 and 200-member Rajasthan Assembly on November 25.
Immediately after quitting the IAS, Pandian was elevated to the status of cabinet minister and had his formal entry to the government as Chairman 5T (Transformational Initiatives) and Nabin Odisha. The election symbol of the ruling party is now being increasingly used in official advertisements along with the state emblem. The recent government advertisement about Ama Bank celebrating the launch of the CSP Plus arrangement in unbanked Grama Panchayats not only places the Sankha – the election symbol of the BJD—at a prominent place, but it also mentions the names of PSU Banks who are the partner banks. It seems the owner of these banks—The government of India—has no issue with the display of the BJD’s election symbol. A new normal is now in place. The ruling party, it seems is close to subsuming the government supposed to be apolitical in its functioning.
Media including social media have by and large supported the new leader; people from different segments of the society keep felicitating the leader. The picture published in the media of the executive head of the state’s lead bank felicitating Shri Pandian tells an interesting story. There are efforts to convince people that Pandian is not the only civil servant to quit a career in the prestigious IAS, and join politics. It is also argued that many non-Odias too have made their way to politics in Odisha and therefore this case shouldn’t be troubling others. Critics however are not convinced. Why this case is one of its kind as suggested by them needs some discussion. Non-Odia public men in Odisha, by and large, have been progenies of families living in the state for generations, wherever this has not been the case, the person concerned has never been ushered into the core area of a regional party.
There is a case of a Keralite ICS officer, Kandangalathil Karunakaran Nair, who had served in Uttar Pradesh and was District Magistrate, Faizabad, who had resigned from the ICS following difference of opinion with the state and central government over his handling of the Babri Masjid issue. He joined Jan Sangh and was elected as a Member of Lok Sabha from Bahraich, Uttar Pradesh in 1962. He was not into the core area of the party but was greatly popular around Faizabad.
Odisha's case is different. VK Pandian in the BJD is not to be a nominal member. The general perception is he will actually run it. There is widespread speculation that he would be appointed working President. With the Election a few months away, he would have a decisive role in the selection of candidates both for the Assembly and Lok Sabha. People by and large feel that there prevails a deep understanding between the leadership of both BJP and BJD. He would therefore fine-tune the party’s strategy with the BJP. He would play a decisive role in identifying seats where there would be a friendly contest with the BJP and where there would be real contest. The way both parties had agreed on the candidature of Aswini Vaishnav for the Rajya Sabha seat could be followed this time for the next Lok Sabha and Assembly elections.
Those who think Naveen Patnaik finally has chosen his successor are, therefore, not off the mark. That explains why Pandian’s formal entry to the Party has created the present buzz, and why there is so much of discussion everywhere. That is the reason why many today feel aggrieved that a non-Odia is being pushed to be the face of Odias and no Odia has been chosen. This issue too merits an analysis. We need to think about how Pandian is a non-Odia and Naveen Patnaik is not. Objectively speaking, Pandian speaks Odia more easily and fluently and I am sure is equally proficient in writing in Odia as well. He mixes more freely with people of all sections of the society. Naveen Patnaik is way behind him on both these parameters.
The factors which had influenced a few Odia “wise men” to select almost an apolitical and to a great extent unknown (to Odisha voters) Naveen Patnaik to head the regional party must have influenced the wise men now to select Pandian to be the captain of the regional party. His place of birth, I feel is not relevant. The consideration that could have tilted the balance in his favour is most probably the selectors’ conviction that he is best equipped to hold the party together while anyone else in the position would lead to squabbles and undermine cohesion. As things stand today, it is very likely that he would be able to manage the party and enjoy the wholehearted support and cooperation of the rank and file of the party.
The real test of Pandian would be whether voters would accept him. This would depend on how other parties would be able to project the issue to the voters. The manner in which a huge amount of public money was spent, unfortunately, and recklessly, by the Naveen Government in projecting a serving junior level officer to the public by enabling him to use helicopters to travel throughout the state, by ensuring for him a VVIP style bandobast with massive flawless and lavish arrangements at meeting places may be made out as a case of favouritism and rampant misuse of public money. Political forces may carry the story to the people and highlight the rampant corruption sweeping the state. Years ago, Biju Janata Dal had played the corruption card against the Congress government and had emerged winner. The ill-gotten wealth they talked about then is now perhaps unearthed by the vigilance organisation by raiding even a small official of the present government. Even if the political forces play the corruption card, it is doubtful if the voters pampered for years with freebies will find it even relevant and make them vote for a change.
Most saw it coming. In fact, Bhubaneswar MP Aparajita Sarangi (a bureaucrat-turned-politician herself) had thrown the gauntlet at Mr. Pandian a few months back. In the midst of whirlwind tours of Mr. Pandian through the length and breadth of Odisha during which he addressed public gatherings from daises not shared with anyone else, Ms. Sarangi had challenged the second most powerful man in Odisha (the most powerful, according to some) to leave his job and enter politics if he savours so much the feeling of being welcomed by hundreds of members of women self-help groups amidst blowing of conch shells and ululation. The challenge was accepted, a bit sooner than later. Whether the national spokesperson of BJP was trying to trap Mr. Pandian by bringing him into politics where the gloves would be off in attacking him or giving him a hint to follow her path, only time will tell.
Time has started telling though, slowly, bit by bit. Mr. Pandian, being in BJD, will, in all probability, help the party named after one of the most loved and admired Odia politicians. Front pages of vernacular newspapers and local editions of national newspapers are nowadays awash with advertisements of the Odisha Government publicizing many newly-launched schemes like LAccMI, Ama Bank etc. and inauguration and foundation stone-laying ceremonies of many developmental projects across Odisha. By all accounts, Mr. Pandian is the driving force behind such a blitzkrieg of publicity aimed at wooing those fence sitters who are bored with the long but, according to them, the not-so-impressive innings played by the BJD for more than the last two decades. As for the loyalty of those sections of the populace who have been cultivated with freebies and sops over the last so many years, BJD doesn’t seem to have any fears.
So, does this mean that, for the opposition, the match of the 2024 assembly elections is already over before it even begins? The answer to this billion-rupee question is complicated. BJP, the principal opposition party in Odisha, can give the BJD a run for its money, if it projects a credible chief ministerial candidate who can pose a strong challenge to the fading but still strong enough image of incumbent CM Naveen Patnaik. But that prospect seems a bit unlikely at this point in time, given the BJP’s overdependence on PM Modi’s charisma and apprehensions of bickering among aspirants and their followers in their Odisha unit. If the BJP doesn’t project a popular CM face, then it can hope to reduce BJD’s numerical superiority in the state assembly but not snatch power from the latter.
Another factor which will impact the seriousness of BJP’s efforts to dislodge BJD from power would be the question of how far BJP’s central leadership would go to sever the amiable cords with BJD’s top brass and invite the risk of losing the regional party’s support in passing future legislations in Rajya Sabha. As such, non-BJP and non-BJD parties have never shied away from pointing out the bonhomie between the top leaderships of both parties. In fact, in a recent interview published in a local vernacular daily, PCC President Sarat Pattanayak called the upcoming electoral battle between BJP and BJD being a ‘friendly fight’.
Thus, the Pandian era has formally begun in BJD and after the coming assembly elections, the ‘de facto’ power centre will, in all probability, become the ‘de jure’ power centre in Odisha’s ruling party. So long as Mr. Pandian operates under the symbolic tutelage of CM Patnaik, he will be an asset for his party and will be able to skirt open attacks on him. Only if he succeeds Naveen, he runs the risk of being vulnerable to below-the-belt attacks, chiefly stemming from his Tamil origin. But even that prospect is uncertain as Odisha is no Tamil Nadu where even dyed-in-the-wool Dravidian leaders like M G Ramachandran and J Jayalalitha had to face sneering remarks about their Malayali and Kannadiga origins. The lack of credible civil society organizations espousing the causes of ‘sons of the soil’ and familiarity of Odias with Mr. Pandian may blunt the edge of allegations based on his non-Odia origin making him as much acceptable as other politicians hailing from the state are.
So, it will be interesting to watch the tussle between ‘sons of the soil’ and ‘son-in-law of the state (Mr. Pandian is married to Ms. Sujata Karthikeyan, his Odia IAS batchmate)’, if that ever happens, that is.
But what is significant is not so much his induction into the BJD as the timing of it. The man who was appointed to the specially created, extra constitutional post of Chairperson of the much hyped 5T and Nabin Odisha initiatives, the two flagship programmes of the Naveen government it hopes will deliver the sixth consecutive term for itself, on Vijaya Dashami day, joined the party on the holy Kartik Purnima day. It was the day when Odia Sadhabas (traders) used to set sail for various south Asian countries with their merchandise in the ancient times. That the Chief Minister chose to stay home to welcome Pandian to the party rather than be at Paradeep with President Droupadi Murmu at the Boita Bandana festivities on this auspicious day for Odias is the clearest possible pointer of the attempt to time every phase in Pandian's political ascendancy with important events in the Odia religious calendar. Had it not been so, Pandian could have joined the party any other day, with December 26, the party's foundation day, being the most appropriate occasion for the induction. It is entirely possible that it was Pandian himself - and not Naveen Patnaik - who chose the date for his formal entry into the party.
The symbolism is important because it is part of a pattern seen over the last four or five years. Whether it's the renovation of important Hindu shrines like the Jagannath temple or the Samaleswari temple or the generous grants to revive Bhagabat tungis in villages under the Nabin Odisha scheme, there is a clear attempt to tug at the religious strings in the average Odia's heart. Coming as it does from a man who once swore that 'every bone' in his body is secular, this marks an unmistakable tilt to the right. All pretensions of fighting the 'communal' BJP have now been dispensed with at the altar of electoral expediency. As things today, there is precious little to choose between the BJD and its trusted, long time political ally BJP (notwithstanding the shadow boxing in public), except for the shrill anti-Muslim rhetoric of the latter.
True to pattern, Pandian invoked 'Mahaprabhu' (Lord Jagannath) and sought his blessings immediately after joining the BJD. Party spokesperson Lenin Mohanty had earlier described him as the 'blessing' of the Lord in an effort to endear him to the average Odia, whose love and veneration for the Lord is well known. In fact, the BJD's right turn - and increasing proximity to the BJP - can be attributed almost entirely to Pandian. Nothing proves it better than the one-on-one meeting he had with Home Minister Amit Shah during the latter's last visit to the state and the alacrity with which his application for voluntary retirement was accepted by the Modi government in three days flat. It is important to remember that both the events came at a time when the state BJP leadership was going hammer and tongs at Pandian for 'indulging in politics' and even petitioned the central government seeking action against him! Anyone who still believes the BJD and BJP will fight each other in the 2024 elections, I dare say, doesn't know anything about politics!
While making the announcement about Pandian's entry into BJD, Puri MP Pinaki Mishra gave the game away when he said that the former's 'vast experience in administration and politics' will be a huge 'asset' for the party and will help it 'immensely'. It was the most candid admission by the party that Pandian was indeed doing 'politics' long before he joined the party and while he was still in government service!!
Now that the induction is over, the only point of interest is what formal designation is given to the new star on the horizon. Also of interest is whether he would contest the coming elections and become a minister in the next government. (With the BJP having given a virtual walkover to the BJD and the Congress in no position to put up a fight, it is, in all likelihood, going to be a cakewalk for the ruling party). But unlike many other political pundits, this columnist doesn't believe that Pandian will take over as CM or be named as Naveen's successor.
The exigencies of power - and fighting and winning an election - may have shut the mouths of the BJD leaders for now. All of them may have started singing paeans to him, knowing his importance in the Boss' scheme of things. But make no mistake, they would never accept him as their leader in a post-Naveen scenario. And that would hold good even if Naveen himself designates him as his successor. The knives, stealthily hidden for now, will come out sharpened the moment the supremo is not around.
There is little doubt that Pandian will call all the shots in the ruling party - and the government if the party, as widely expected, get another term in office. But he can, at best, be the 'power behind the throne' and not the 'King' himself. Any attempt by him - or his boss - to anoint him as the King would be a disaster for the party !!
If there is one person who is discussed more than CM Naveen Patnaik or even PM Narendra Modi among the educated and conscious citizenry of Odisha, he is none other than Mr. V. K Pandian, voluntarily retired IAS, ex-private secretary to the CM and Chairman of 5T (Transformational Initiatives) and the cleverly named ‘Nabin Odisha’, a Government of Odisha’s flagship rural welfare scheme which also aims at promotion, protection, and preservation of the culture and tradition of the state.
What makes this frail-looking but energetic former babu so powerful, by some accounts more powerful than the CM? One, he has the eyes and ears of Mr. Patnaik and is his most trusted man. Considering his multiple health problems and advancing age, Mr. Patnaik is completely dependent on Mr. Pandian. The latter is the real power behind the throne and according to some, the ‘Super Chief Minister’. Not being proficient in Odia and not being a real politician in his temperament, Naveen Babu doesn’t have a close confidant among the politicians of BJD or the Odia bureaucrats. The failed coup engineered by Late Pyari Mohan Mohapatra, ex-IAS officer and the then mentor of Mr. Patnaik has made the latter wary of Odia babus and ex-babus, as per some.
To be fair to this 2000 batch IAS officer and husband of fellow IAS batchmate Sujata R. Karthikeyan, Mr. Pandian has earned his place not by intrigue or manipulation. He earned the CM’s trust during his stint as the private secretary to Mr. Patnaik and gradually became his right-hand man. He is directly credited for the 5T initiative of the Odisha Government which has led to the visible transformation of high schools, colleges, etc. As the ailing CM gradually retreats from direct engagement with political functionaries and the general public at large, Mr. Pandian has been crisscrossing the state announcing grants for various developmental works, accepting representations from organizations, and communicating directly with the public.
With his meteoric rise in Odisha’s power circle, people outside Odisha have started to take notice of Mr. Pandian who enjoys the rank of a cabinet minister. A few days back, a renowned and veteran Hindi journalist devoted an entire episode to Mr. Pandian in his YouTube channel subscribed by more than half a million subscribers. In his presentation, he shared speculations about Mr. Pandian contesting the next Assembly elections in Odisha and becoming a Minister or even the Deputy CM afterward. Considering the latest developments including his voluntary retirement and appointment as chairman of 5T Initiatives and Nabin Odisha with a cabinet minister’s rank, the speculation may very much become a reality in 2024.
Now bigger questions arise. How has a Tamil Nadu-born bureaucrat become the most powerful man in Odisha? Does our state lack natives having clear-sightedness, fast decision-making ability, and administration management acumen? Isn’t it an affront to the self-respect of about 4.80 Crore Odias? The answers to these queries are complicated.
In another state, the opposition parties would have made much hue and cry over such unbridled power being enjoyed by a bureaucrat (now ex-bureaucrat) belonging to another state. It would have been made an issue of self-respect of the concerned state. But not in Odisha. And the reasons are obvious. BJP, the principal opposition party in Odisha, due to its numerical inferiority in Rajya Sabha, often depends upon non-INDIA (the alliance, not our country) parties like BJD to make various bills sail through in the upper house of the parliament. It’s an open secret that though they are political adversaries at the state level, there is a tacit understanding between BJD and BJP at the central level. PM Modi and CM Patnaik admire each other and have a healthy working relationship. The clout that Mr. Patnaik enjoys at the centre is evidenced by the fact that Mr. Pandian’s request for voluntary retirement was approved with lightning speed within a time span of 72 hours. In similar cases of requests for voluntary retirement by IAS officers, sometimes it takes weeks and months to get the required approval. As for Congress, the other major opposition party, the less said the better. The grand old party has been losing ground in the state over the years and a few of its handful of legislators have publicly been thankful to Mr. Pandian for taking up developmental work in their respective constituencies.
Further, Mr. Patnaik has no qualms about making a non-Odia the most powerful man in the state as he is not known to be very sensitive about the Odia identity and self-respect. This is evidenced by his lack of interest in learning the Odia language in spite of being the CM of the first state founded on a linguistic basis in modern India for no less than 24 years. Lastly, many Odias are perceived to be not consciously proud of their Odia identity to feel too perturbed by the rise of the Tamil ex-bureaucrat.
Going by the present trend of things, if Mr. Pandian, in whatever capacity, succeeds in positively transforming one of the poorest states of the country, there will be grudging acceptance of his position as the official number two in the state government after the next elections. If that happens, then he, succeeding Naveen Babu as the BJD chief would not be a far-fetched imagination but a reality in the near future.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are the author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
On the face of it, there is little going for him as he prepares to put on the political robe. For one thing, his Tamil origin has emerged as an issue even before the succession plan has been set in motion. The concerted efforts by the cheerleaders within the party and outside to justify his claim to be the heir apparent on the ground that he is married to an Odia woman – and thus is a son-in-law of the state, if not a son of the soil - is unlikely to cut much ice. For another, he derives all his power, clout and influence from his proximity to the Chief Minister and hence will be highly vulnerable in a post-Naveen scenario. He is too smart not to know that the knives will be out for him the moment Naveen is not around to back him. But if he has still taken the gamble, it can mean only one thing; that he reckons he would have consolidated his position within the party sufficiently by then to take on the would-be challengers. He has taken voluntary retirement from IAS with nearly a decade left of his service not to become an also-ran in the ruling party, but because he wants to be numero uno.
Pandian also cannot be oblivious of the fact that he may, at best, be accepted as the power behind the throne and not the throne itself by the people at large. That he is doomed the moment he tries to do anything like what the late Pyari Mohan Mohapatra, Naveen’s erstwhile Man Friday, did on May 29, 2012. That he would lord over both the party and the government only as long as he enjoys the complete trust of his boss. It is clear that he would the sole arbiter of party tickets come election time and would pick only those who swear complete loyalty to him. But even his loyalists would ditch him – as Pyari Babu discovered to his grief - when push comes to shove. He would thus be treading on thin ice all the time.
There is little doubt that he would contest the next Assembly election and the search for a ‘safe seat’ for him is already on. As things stand now, any of the 147 seats in the state would be a safe seat for him should he decide to contest. It is also a foregone conclusion that he would become a minister – and the most powerful one, at that – if the BJD wins again. The sobriquet ‘Super Chief Minster’ would gain currency after nearly four decades. It is significant that there hasn’t been even a murmur of protest since he was appointed to the all-powerful post of ‘5T’ and ‘Nabin Odisha’ chief. All potential naysayers have apparently been silenced by the humiliating ouster of Soumya Ranjan Patnaik, who railed against the disproportionate power and privilege the then babu enjoyed and paid the price for it.
If Pandian has taken a gamble, Naveen Patnaik has taken an even bigger one, perhaps the biggest in his political career. In trying to foist a man from Tamil Nadu on a party allegedly formed to protect and uphold the interests of Odisha, he is clearly banking on his 4.5 crore strong ‘family’ to accept whoever he chooses as his successor. But contrary to popular wisdom, this columnist believes it could backfire on him big time. They may have accepted him whole-heartedly despite his refusal to speak Odia even after a quarter century. But the fact that he could not find a single Odia person to take over from him is unlikely to go down well with them. Political capital and goodwill, after all, are not transferable commodities.
Whenever he has been asked about his successor, Naveen’s stock answer has been; “The people of Odisha will decide it.” But now that he has himself chosen the successor, taking his extended ‘family’ for granted in the process, the only possible reason is he has complete faith in his Man Friday to deliver the next elections on a platter to him.
But the man who has made springing surprises into an art form could well be in for a few himself this time!
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are the author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
For some years, he was seen sitting next to the Chief Minister whenever the Chief Minister was to read out an announcement important enough to be telecast. Only he was with him when important events were happening; like, watching an important hockey match, having a private lunch with important political personalities, or when news about the Rourkela Hockey Stadium finding a place in the Guinness Book of Records was announced. The idea was to market his face throughout the state as the sole confidant of the Chief Minister. For some years he visited places and institutions to market the enigma called 5T and was the focal point among officials who danced to his tune. Even officers senior to him followed him. The arrangement looked farcical but a compliant media reported the exercise as an exceptional tool to expedite state’s development programmes. He was projected as the only doer in the bureaucracy.
The strategy to boost his image was further refined and made more brazen and reckless. He was now flying throughout the state at state expenses to collect grievances from the public. Government’s age-old financial discipline was thrown to winds, crores of rupees were spent, Ministers and political persons, government employees were on duty to see that the minute to minute programme of this official was conducted without a hitch. Elaborate arrangements were made at the meeting places with great pomp and grandeur where he alone occupied the large stage and a carefully chosen audience listened. Open violations of the IAS Conduct Rules continued.
The Central Government never asked questions. He had become a phenomenon, pampered by state largesse. A Colossus had arrived. Protests from the ruling party were non-existent. Those who raised their voices were hastily disciplined. A few complaints were made to the Central Government, but the Centre adopted a routine approach and advised the state government to look into the issue. It was clear that the Chief Minister who also was the leader of the Regional Party was promoting a serving officer of the IAS for years at state expenses to don a political role—an unprecedented course of action that is conceivable only in a totalitarian regime. The vibrancy of a democratic political system had been trampled over, fear was pervasive, favouritism flourished.
Time for Elections scheduled in 2024 was fast approaching and both the BJP and BJD too got busy evolving strategy like other Parties. That BJD was in fact not following the frequently announced equi-distant policy was clear as daylight. It had in fact become a reliable ally of the BJP and the close friendship needed further cementing. The increasing clout of Pandian was no secret to the other political parties including the BJP. His application seeking voluntary retirement from the IAS requesting for waiving the prescribed notice period was agreed to by the central government within three days.
The alacrity was surprising but was understandable. His formal leadership role both in the Party and in the Government can only be announced and enforced by the aging Chief Minister. It may not be possible after he is out of the scene. This explains the hurried Dasshara gift of the Central Government run by the BJP agreeing to Pandian’s voluntary retirement. That also explains why the top state BJP leaders are silent and reticent about voluntary retirement. Central leadership of the BJP, seems to find in Pandian a safe and effective ally during and after the Election.
Immediately after Pandian retired he was appointed by the Chief Minister as Chairman of 5T and Naveen Odisha and was given the status of a Cabinet Minister. He would work directly under the Chief Minister. In status he is now much higher than the Bureaucrats and even a notch above Ministers. He would now be flying and canvassing for the Party without raising dust. The deck therefore is clear for still higher responsibility for him.
His eminent position would surely impact the functioning of the Party. As days pass, BJD would most likely experience headwinds and suffer an existential crisis. Smouldering dissent within the Party, now under control by the aging leader, is bound to erupt, sooner than later and possibility of a split cannot be ruled out. In such a fluid situation it looks more plausible that BJP could become a major partner in a future government in the state. The other possibility—though less likely– could be the emergence of a new political force with a breakaway group from the BJD that may be successful in the coming Election.
The present situation is the unavoidable outcome of inept functioning of the BJD leadership over twenty-three years of rule. The Party failed to function as a democratic institution. It was ruthlessly run by one man, it was advised by non-political and immature persons. The Party leadership was consistently distrustful about the ability of the children of the soil; it preferred to clone a bureaucrat, born in Tamil Nadu, who was dear to the Chief Minister to be a political leader. It was an unconventional approach, an avoidable operation. It hurt the self-image of local leaders.
Emergence of Pandian to still greater heights will therefore surely throw up major challenges for the regional Party. Immediately however there is a very strong possibility that the leadership of both the Party and the Government would pass on to Pandian through voluntary relinquishment by Naveen Patnaik.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are the author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
The government is of the view that the cycle of simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies from 1951-52 till 1967 which got broken had led to elections almost every year and within a year too at different times resulting in massive expenditure by the Government and other stakeholders, diversion of security forces and other electoral officers engaged in such elections from their primary duties for significantly prolonged periods, disruption in developmental work on account of prolonged application of Model Code of Conduct.
It is relevant to note that the issue of simultaneous Elections has been examined by the Law Commission in its 170th Report on Reforms of the Electoral Laws and by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice in its 79th Report on ‘Feasibility of Holding Simultaneous Election to the House of People (Lok Sabha) and State Legislative Assemblies’. However, there had not been any decision by a competent authority in favour of having simultaneous elections in the country.
The present Committee has been mandated to examine and recommend, among other matters, (a) specific amendments to the Constitution, Laws and the rules made thereunder for the purpose of holding simultaneous elections; (b) examine and recommend, if the amendments to the Constitution would require ratification by the States; (c) examine and recommend the modalities of use of a single electoral roll and electoral identity cards for identification of voters in elections to the Lok Sabha, State Assemblies, Municipalities and Panchayats.
Interestingly the Committee is not mandated to examine the feasibility or desirability of simultaneous Elections but to examine and recommend how simultaneous Elections are to be conducted. This assumption is most likely to be challenged as this does not appear to have been discussed and decided upon in a competent national platform. The government is of the view that in the national interest, it is desirable to have simultaneous elections in the country. Many may not be in agreement with this perception either.
Why simultaneous elections are necessary merits a discussion. It is said that it would avoid massive expenditure by the Government and other stakeholders, diversion of security forces and other electoral officers engaged in such elections from their primary duties for significantly prolonged periods, and disruption in developmental work on account of prolonged application of Model Code of Conduct.
The most fundamental issue that has been lost sight of here is the basic structure of our Constitution. We have a Parliamentary Democracy and India is a Union of States where the Executive at the center and at the states is accountable to the legislature and through it to the people. A government that loses majority support in the legislature falls and if an alternative government is not possible, the Assembly/Lok Sabha goes to polls. Such a situation frustrates the one nation one election discipline. If we must have one nation one election, the state where the government falls, would be placed under President's Rule and the arrangement would continue till the country goes for the general election. This would mean that a state of the Union would not have a parliamentary government for a long time. This will be against the basic structure of the Constitution. In case the Government at the Centre loses the majority in Lok Sabha, say, after a year of the General Election, there has to be an Election for the Lok Sabha too. Would in such a situation all states would also go for election for their Assemblies?
The argument that a simultaneous election would be less expensive needs closer examination. Some experts feel that elections at different times in fact promote greater economic activity and help economic growth. The internal security situation in many parts of the country is getting more difficult and authorities have not been able to hold elections in some states in one day due to constraints on getting adequate security force support. Consequently, elections have been held in some states in phases. For example, the 2021 West Bengal Assembly election was held between March 27 and April 29 in eight phases. Assembly elections were held in Uttar Pradesh from 10 February to 7 March 2022 in seven phases. In the case of the election in 2022 for Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh, while the election could have been held simultaneously, elections were held first in Himachal Pradesh and then in Gujarat. The Himachal polls were held in a single phase on November 12 and results were announced on December 8, twenty-six days after the election.
In spite of specific provision in the Constitution that election to the Panchayats and Urban Local Body will have to be completed before the five-year term, elections to 109 municipal bodies including three municipal corporations in Odisha were delayed by more than three years. To avoid such contingencies in the future, perhaps a desirable arrangement would be to abolish the State Election Commissions and entrust the responsibility of conducting the election to Panchayat and Urban Local Body to the Election Commission of India.
One Nation one Election in India would seriously affect the federal spirit of our Constitution. Even if it happens, the Election process is going to be too protracted and it would be months before the last voting is completed. Declaration of results would be unduly delayed.
The issue is too important to be rushed through. The Committee would have to deliberate on many important issues to make its recommendations. If the Constitution needs to be amended even without having the approval of the majority of states, the process of amendment would take time. Formation of the Committee does not mean the country would have a simultaneous election regime anytime soon. Even after the Committee makes its recommendations, there is a need for broad-based consultation with stakeholders and a consensus should emerge through patient dialogue.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are the author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Well, here is my two-penny worth answer to the questions posed above. Mr. VK Pandian was smiling because he was convinced after the incident that his transition as a politician is now well and truly complete. Though he has been playing a covertly political role for years now, it is only in the recent past that he has shed all bureaucratic pretensions and inhibitions and come out into the open. The ink attack, as much as a woman caringly wiping the ink off his face with her pallu after the incident, was just the public endorsement he has been seeking with his whirlwind, high-profile visits to all parts of the state over the last few months to play an unabashedly political role ahead of the next elections. And that was why the ink thrown by Bhaskar Sahu cockled his heart and caused the smile instead of disturbing him!
What followed after the incident lends further credence to this analysis by yours truly that might appear rather fanciful at first sight. The police that had slapped Sec 307 (attempt to murder) charges on a bunch of Youth Congress activists who had dared to throw eggs on the Chief Minister’s cavalcade a few years ago – none of which hit the CM’s vehicle, by the way – set the accused, Bhaskar Sahu, free, apparently on the instructions of Mr. Pandian, instead of booking him under stringent sections of the IPC and Cr PC. In asking the police to let go of the accused, the private secretary to Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik was merely emulating his boss, who had asked the police to drop all charges against a woman who had hurled eggs at him at a public meeting in 2018, in a similar act of ‘magnanimity’. Clearly, there are times when it is expedient not to allow the law ‘to take its own course’ when there are political brownie points to be earned. What better way to prove that the power behind the throne has a heart of pure gold like the rightful owner of the throne? As image making exercises go, even the best PR agency in the world could not have done better!
The million-dollar question at this point is: having won his spurs, as it were, will Mr. Pandian now position himself as the political successor to Naveen Patnaik? Or keep playing second fiddle while ensuring that the boss wins a sixth successive term as Chief Minister? There are tale-tell signs that he is preparing for a bigger political role than just being the Chief Minister’s private secretary – or even the all-powerful 5T secretary. Nothing proves that he is bracing for an overtly political role better than his extensive tour of the state during which he has been treated not as the ‘King’s Minister’ but as the ‘King’ himself – not just by the BJD party organization but also by the local administration. When questions were raised about his right to listen to people’s grievances, review projects and sanction funds, he managed to wangle an audio message out of the Chief Minister making it abundantly clear to the people that he was indeed visiting places and meeting them on his instructions. The biggest pointer to his political importance came during Amit Shah’s recent visit to the state when the Home minister – and the No. 2 in the Modi government – had a personal tete-e-tat with Mr. Pandian much to the chagrin of the state BJP leadership, which had filed a petition against the PS to CM for allegedly violating the All India Services Conduct Rules before the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT).
Though most people are of the view that the BJD supremo is all set to hand over the baton to his trusted lieutenant, this columnist finds it hard to believe that Mr. Pandian would ever occupy the hot seat while his boss watches from the sidelines. There are two basic grounds for the skepticism. First, Mr. Pandian is too smart an operator not to understand that he derives all his power from his boss. Second, party leaders, who are genuflecting before him now because they know he has the blessings of the Boss, will be out with their knives the moment Naveen is not around. In any case, why would he risk fighting a no-holds-barred with party leaders when the present arrangement, where he enjoys all the power without being accountable for its exercise, suits him just fine?
As for the Boss himself, he has not given any indication in the 23 years that he has been CM that he is the sort of person who would quietly walk into the sunset after handing over the baton to someone. If anything, he has given every indication that he wants to go to the grave while he is in office. If he does feel that his health would not allow him to endure the rigours of being Chief Minister for another five years, he would anoint a successor – in all likelihood from the family – while playing mentor. Or die intestate, leaving it for the party and the people to elect a new leader, as he has often stressed. Either way, Mr. Pandian is unlikely to get a shot at being Chief Minister.
But even if he is not aiming for the Boss’s chair, Mr. Pandian should resign from service and continue doing what he is doing - to uphold the sanctity and maintain the dignity and integrity of the civil services to which he belongs.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are the author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Significantly, top BJP leaders from the state, who were having a discussion with the Home minister over a breakfast meeting, discreetly left the place as soon as Pandian arrived so that the two could have a free and frank chat without being constrained by the presence of ‘others’! Significantly again, the Chief Minister’s trusted private secretary was present when the former had his ‘one-on-one’ with Shah. While these two all-important meetings took place away from the prying TV cameras, what the world saw was the benignly smiling visage of the 5T secretary seated right behind the Chief Minister at the ceremony to launch various National Highway projects.
If state BJP leaders were wondering what happened to the letter they had written to the Union Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) well over a month ago drawing its attention to the alleged violation of All India Services Conduct Rules by Pandian and calling for action against him, they must have got the answers by Saturday afternoon. They would have understood that the DoPT had already taken whatever ‘action’ it proposed to take by forwarding the letter, written by Bhubaneswar MP Aparajita Sarangi and BJP state unit president Manmohan Samal, to the Odisha chief secretary and that no further action was to be expected. That the letter the two wrote was not worth the paper it was written on.
The state unit of the BJP has faced a serious crisis of credibility as the supposedly ‘principal’ opposition party at least since after the 2019 elections as the party’s Big Two have established an excellent relationship with BJD supremo. It is a mutually rewarding arrangement that has ensured that Naveen rules Odisha untrammeled by Central agencies while the BJP continues to get the unstinted support of the BJD in Parliament on virtually every Bill. It would be no exaggeration to say the BJD is the Modi government’s most trusted ally, even more loyal than some of the constituents of the NDA. The support of the BJD is particularly crucial in the Rajya Sabha where the party has nine MPs and the NDA doesn’t have a majority.
Despite the bonhomie between the top leaders of the two ‘rival’ parties, it is to the credit of the state BJP that it had put up a spirited attack on the Naveen Patnaik government on various issues, including the ‘Super Chief Minister’ status allegedly enjoyed by Pandian. But after the royal snub on Saturday, they now don’t have a place to hide. Amit Shah’s visit in general and the importance with which he treated Pandian was the clearest possible indication to them that the party’s central leadership has no intention of taking on Naveen Patnaik on his home turf. It would rather carry on with the mutually beneficial relationship with Naveen into the next Lok Sabha and state Assembly. By literally asking the state unit to fight its own battle without bothering about what is happening at the Central level. Shah dropped enough hints that they shouldn’t expect the Modi-Shah combine to burn their bridges with Naveen by using the kind of invectives they used in the run up to the 2019 polls. Shah, it may be remembered, had called the Naveen Patnaik government a ‘burnt transformer’ that deserved to be ‘thrown into the Bay of Bengal’. Shah’s visit leaves no doubt whatsoever that attacks of that kind will be conspicuously missing this time. At best, it would be a ‘friendly fight’ between the two estranged partners. At worst, it would be a tacit understanding that ensures the BJD gets a thumping majority in the Assembly while the BJP walks away with a sizeable number of Lok Sabha seats.
In short, the BJP has given a walkover to the BJD several months before the election. With the BJD and BJP on the same side of the political divide, almost the entire opposition space in state politics now lies vacant. But alas! Given the moribund state its party organization is in, the Congress doesn’t have a hope in hell to occupy that space, at least not in the 2024 elections.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are the author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
So, let us begin at the beginning. Naveen Patnaik’s entry into the murky world of politics – and the course his political journey has followed since then – has no parallels in Odisha and, indeed, in India. Here is a man, blissfully oblivious not just about politics but also about the state he was being parachuted into when he took the plunge, who has gone on to lord over politics in the state for a quarter century without a rival in sight in the distant horizon. Indeed, it is hard to think of any Indian politician with no previous political experience who has captured public imagination the way Naveen has and has turned the concept of anti-incumbency upside down by winning five successive Assembly elections, each time with a bigger majority – with the sole exception of 2019 when the share of his party, the Biju Janata Dal (BJD), in the 147-member Odisha Assembly came down marginally from 117 to 112. Beginning with the by-election to the Aska Lok Sabha seat necessitated by the death of his father, the legendary Biju Patnaik, in September, 1997, this former Delhi socialite has never lost an election till date. In these 25 years, he has never known what it is like to sit in the Opposition – a feat unparalleled in the annals of Indian politics. And given the current political scenario, it is highly unlikely that this stellar record would be sullied in the next elections in 2024 either.
While his political exploits are well documented, not even the most seasoned political commentator has been able to put a finger on what exactly is behind his continuing honeymoon with the people of Odisha that shows no signs of waning anytime soon. He lacks almost every trait that a leader needs to be popular. He is reclusive, to the point of being inaccessible. In fact, it would be no exaggeration to say he is the most inaccessible Chief Minister in the country. Forget the common man, even his ministers find it hard to get an audience with him. It is well-nigh impossible even for top journalists in the state to reach him. In 25 years, he has not given a proper interview – one where the questions are not vetted beforehand - to any Odia newspaper or news channel. The only exception he has made is for a few English channels of his choice, mostly before or during elections. Nor has he addressed a press conference – save one he addressed one at the beginning of his term where his stock answer to every question was; “I will certainly look into it.”
He is not an orator – a trait common to most successful politicians - by any stretch of imagination. In fact, he rarely speaks extempore, even when addressing political meetings, always preferring to read out from a prepared text instead. On the rare occasion when he does make an exception, as he does during the annual literary festival organised by the New Indian Express, his responses are invariably restricted to staccato one-liners. Even after helming the state for 23 years, he still cannot (‘doesn’t’ perhaps would be more like it) speak Odia. On the few occasions when he has no option but to speak in Odia, his speeches, conveniently typed out in the Roman script and in extra-large fonts for him by his backroom boys, make mincemeat of the language, one of only six to get the coveted ‘classical’ status, and frequently invite mirth.
He is not a hands-on political manager in the Modi or Kejriwal mould either and prefers outsourcing the job of strategizing and policy making to his trusted lieutenants. From the beginning, he has been a Big Picture man while assigning the nitty-gritty of party affairs and governance to others. If it was the Late Pyari Mohan Mohapatra from 2000, the year he became Chief Minister, to 2012, his private secretary VK Pandian, who now doubles up as the all-powerful 5T secretary, has taken over the role since the failed coup Mohapatra led in May, 2012.
If Naveen Patnaik has continued to hold the 4.5 crore Odias in thrall for such a long period despite all these apparent ‘shortcomings’, the answers have to be sought elsewhere. Though it is not easy to explain away his ‘connect’ (chemistry, if you please) with the people, the one thing that has certainly worked in his favour is that he is single. He has successfully created the impression among the people of Odisha that they are ‘family’ to him and their interests are his utmost priority. He has also managed to cultivate an image as ‘Mr. Clean’ and a crusader against corruption, notwithstanding some of the biggest corruption scandals in the state’s history that have sullied his 23-year long reign, the mining scam and the chit fund scam being only the most glaring of them. “Some of his ministers, MLAs or bureaucrats may have indulged in corrupt practices. But Naveen himself is incorruptible and unsparing in dealing with the corrupt,” is the common refrain. His single status has helped him in creating this impression too. “Who will he earn ill-gotten money for? After all, he has no family or children,” say the people. He is obviously a Teflon-coated politician whose spotless white kurta can never be sullied by any allegation of corruption, notwithstanding tell-tale evidence to the contrary.
In a political ecosystem where rabble-rousing has become synonymous with leadership, Naveen comes across as a breath of fresh air; unfailingly polite and dignified in public and scrupulously decent and restrained in his public utterances. This particular trait has endeared him as much to the urbane, educated Odia as to the semi-literate rustic. His aversion to speaking extempore and habit of reading out from a prepared text, even while making routine announcements, has served him well as it has left no room for any ‘slip of tongue’ that might cause embarrassment later.
Some commentators say being the inheritor of the Biju legacy has helped Naveen create the aura he has. But they are unable to explain why Biju himself, despite a much longer innings in politics, never enjoyed the kind of political success he has. The Biju tag has no doubt helped. But Naveen, the very antithesis of what his father was, has systematically dismantled his father’s legacy and created his own. His political instincts are sharper, his ability to manage public opinion much better and his pursuit of power more single-minded, ruthless and no-holds-barred.
There is, however, more to Naveen than just image management. His critics say his ‘so-called’ popularity is nothing but a result of the freebies he has been generously showering on the people. There is no denying the fact that freebies have played a big role in creating an image of him as the Benevolent King who cares for his people. But freebies alone cannot explain away the fact that his popularity continues to soar even after 23 long years as Chief Minister. Even his bitterest critics cannot gloss over the fact that Odisha has made considerable progress in most fields during his long reign. Known as the land of poverty when he took over, Odisha’s profile has undergone a dramatic transformation during the 23 years and more he has been in power.
Having taken over at a time when the state’s economy was in a shamble after the devastating Super Cyclone of October 29, 1999, he has turned the economy around with some deft policy making. Having learnt the right lessons from what was the worst natural disaster of the last century, the Naveen government has put in place a disaster management system that has shown the way to other disaster-prone states. The state that had remained a supplier of raw material for industries elsewhere for decades has finally emerged as a top investment destination in the country. The industrialization of Odisha has begun in right earnest under his watch.
It’s a fact that Odisha continues to hover around the bottom rung in the list of poorest states. But it’s also a fact that extreme poverty – and its manifestations like starvation deaths and child sale – are now things of the past. Key development indicators like maternal mortality rate (MMR) and infant mortality rate (IMR) have come down dramatically in the last two decades. The metamorphosis of the once sleepy Kalinga Stadium in Bhubaneswar into a top sports hub in the country, especially in hockey, is another major achievement of his government that has received global recognition with the organization of two successive FIH Hockey World Cups in five years; first in December, 2018 and then in January, 2023. Last but not the least, Mission Shakti, Naveen’s pet scheme has empowered lakhs of women in the countryside, notwithstanding credible allegations of their use as an extension of the BJD’s women wing.
But while the state has certainly seen all-round progress during Naveen rule, it has also witnessed the democratic ethos seriously compromised in the same period. The Chief Minister’s discomfort with – and disdain for - the Assembly and legislative processes is there for anyone to see. His over dependence on a set of trusted bureaucrats has reduced political representatives to a cipher. The line between the party and the government has completely blurred as the supremo’s all-powerful private secretary decides even party matters. Even ministers hardly have a say in policy making and there is little debate or discussion in cabinet meetings. The long-established tradition of sharing the agenda with ministers before a cabinet meeting has long been dispensed with; ministers are just asked to sign on the dotted lines of policy decisions already finalized by the bureaucracy. The politicization of the bureaucracy (or is it bureaucratization of politics?) is complete as officers at the ground level function as ruling party workers. Needless to say, the over-dependence on the bureaucracy and the marginalization of the political class has set a bad precedent that doesn’t augur well for the democratic system.
On balance, therefore, it would be fair to say Naveen’s legacy has been a mixed bag. While he has ushered in an era of all-round development for the state, he has also presided over the progressive weakening of the democratic norms.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are the author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Mishra said this after his return from Delhi where he met Union Home Minister Amit Shah and party president JP Nadda.
“Everything happens on a time schedule. As far as our prospects for winning the election in Odisha are concerned, we will definitely win it in 2024,” Mishra claimed.
Drawing comparison with farming, he said, “BJP has been preparing its ground in Odisha since long. We initially sowed the seeds and watered the ground. We are currently in a stage where we are fertilizing the ground. The crop will be ready for reaping in 2024.”
Asked about the corruption allegations in Odisha and whether CBI, ED will take matters into their own hands, Mishra said, “I am not the spokesperson of CBI or ED. We are political persons and will strive to win elections. Central agencies work independently. We do not have any say in their work.”
“Having said that, we will be more than happy if the central investigative agencies probe corruption in Odisha, because it has crossed all the limits in the state,” he added.
The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) however rubbished the claims by Mishra. The Chief Whip of the ruling party, Prashant Muduli said, “The voters have proved many times in the past who they want to rule the State. The people are with us and the BJD does not need a certificate from the Opposition.”
Mishra’s assertions have come on the heels of BJP’s three-day workshop which concluded recently in Puri. Many central leaders of the saffron party joined the training work shop where they addressed the party members on getting back to winning ways in Odisha.
It is worthwhile to mention here that BJP president, JP Nadda will visit Odisha on September 29.
Owaisi's vehicle was near the Chhijarsi toll plaza on the Hapur-Ghaziabad stretch of the National Highway 24 when the incident took place at around 6 pm, he said.
No one was injured in the incident, Owaisi said.
The Hapur Police said one person involved in the firing has been arrested while multiple teams are investigating the case.
Some time ago my car was fired at near Chhijarsi toll gate. Four rounds of shots were fired. There were 3-4 people, all of them ran away and left the weapons there. My car got punctured, but I moved to another car and left. We are all safe. Alhamdu'lilah, Owaisi tweeted in Hindi.
कुछ देर पहले छिजारसी टोल गेट पर मेरी गाड़ी पर गोलियाँ चलाई गयी। 4 राउंड फ़ायर हुए। 3-4 लोग थे, सब के सब भाग गए और हथियार वहीं छोड़ गए। मेरी गाड़ी पंक्चर हो गयी, लेकिन मैं दूसरी गाड़ी में बैठ कर वहाँ से निकल गया। हम सब महफ़ूज़ हैं। अलहमदु’लिलाह। pic.twitter.com/Q55qJbYRih
— Asaduddin Owaisi (@asadowaisi) February 3, 2022
The All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) president and Hyderabad MP said he had left Delhi in the morning for election-related programmes in Meerut and Kithore, where he held a foot march at 3.30 pm.
Owaisi's convoy had four cars, he said.
We were at the toll gate and had slowed down when we suddenly heard three-to-four rounds of gunshots. My car also got some dents and a tyre got punctured, he later told reporters.
I urge the EC to ensure an independent probe into the incident. It must be known who is behind this incident. It's also an appeal to the Modi government and the Yogi government, he added.
Hapur Superintendent of Police Deepak Bhuker said one accused involved in the episode has been arrested and police are confirming the details of others and their motive.
We are also finding out how they planned this (shooting). Since the incident took place at the toll plaza, we are also checking the CCTV footage available there. Police teams have been deployed and very soon others involved in the episode will also be held, he told reporters.
The officer said the investigation was at the preliminary stage and other facts and details would be shared as and when available.
Meanwhile, senior district officials, including those from the administration and the police, reached the incident site, where several activists and supporters of the AIMIM had started gathering after the shootout.
The Commission has banned the physical rallies till January 31 this year and will review the situation after that.
According to the sources, the Commission's Observers are keeping a tab on the campaign contents, which are being circulated during these virtual rallies.
The Commission on January 14, had conducted a detailed meeting with the government officials who have been designated as general, police and expenditure observers, who were asked to keep close watch on the expenditure during these virtual rallies too.
During the meeting with election observers the EC underlined the twin concerns on expenditure and content on virtual mode while the Chief Election Commissioner Sushil Chandra reminded 'expenditure observers' to be innovative in countering 'new and latest methods of inducement' to the voters.
The poll panel has issued the guidelines to ensure that money spent on virtual campaign is fully accounted for in the expenditure statements filed by candidates and political parties.
The Commission has already amended the format of expenditure statement by adding column for virtual rallies.
The candidates are expected to file the details of rallies including the number of virtual rallies, amount spent and also the campaign contents shared during these rallies.
The ECI has also directed the social media platform companies to ensure compliance with the voluntary code of ethics amid heavy online campaigning due to ban of rallies.
The Commission has increased the expenditure limits for the forthcoming assembly elections and under the new order issued on January 6, 2022, the maximum limit for the expenditure by a candidate in Manipur and Goa is fixed at Rs 28 lakh while for the other three states -- Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand is fixed at Rs 40 lakh.
Election Commission of India. Nov 1, 2019. (File Photo: Amlan Paliwal/IANS)
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Hailing Punjab as a "leader", especially in defence and food security of the country, he said, "Today Punjab needs special attention, it needs a double engine government and a better coordination between the Centre and the state."
Nadda announced the seat sharing agreement at a press conference here at the BJP headquarters in the presence of Punjab Lok Congress supremo Amarinder Singh and Shiromani Akali Dal (Sanyukt) Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa.
"I am announcing a broader seat sharing agreement, BJP will contest on 65 seats, PLC on 37 seats and SAD (Sanyukt) on 15 seats," Nadda said.
Speaking at the same conference, Singh said for the sake of national security and welfare of the state, all three parties have come together.
Nadda said Punjab is a border state and security is a very important issue as far as assembly elections are concerned.
Amarinder Singh made this disclosure while addressing a joint press conference with BJP chief J.P. Nadda and Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa's Shiromani Akali Dal (Sanyukt) here.
Singh called Sidhu a totally incompetent, incapable and useless man as a minister. "I removed Sidhu from my cabinet because that man is totally incompetent, incapable and totally useless. Sidhu was looking after local self-government. For 70 days he did not complete a file. I called him a few times and offered to give him more power if he wanted, which Sidhu denied," Singh said.
"After two or three weeks, I got a message from somebody whom we both (Sidhu and Singh) knew, saying that he (Pakistan Prime Minister) requested me to include Sidhu in my government and remove if it doesn't work," Singh said.
Talking about the message he received, Singh said, "Message was that the Pakistan Prime minister has sent a request that if you can take Sidhu in your cabinet he will be grateful. He (Sidhu) is an old friend of mine (Pakistan Prime Minister) and if he doesn't work then you can remove him."
The limit of 5 persons for door to door campaigning has been enhanced to 10 persons and video vans for publicity has been permitted at designated open spaces with Covid restrictions but no road show, pad-yatra, cycle/bike/vehicle rally and procession shall be allowed till January 31.
The Commission said since contesting candidates for Phase 1 elections will be finalised on January 27, it has been decided to allow physical meetings of concerned political parties or contesting candidates in designated open spaces with a maximum of 500 persons or 50 per cent of the capacity of the ground or the prescribed limit set by SDMA, whichever number is lesser, from January 28, 2022 till February 8.
The commission for phase 2 said that the contesting candidates for Phase 2 elections will be finalised on January 31. It will allow physical meetings of concerned political parties or contesting candidates with public in designated open spaces with a maximum of 500 persons or 50 per cent of the capacity of the ground or the prescribed limit set by SDMA, whichever number is lesser, from February 1, 2022 till February 12, 2022.
The biggest challenge of the BJP is not only to retain these four states but also to make its political presence felt in Punjab which the saffron party is jointly contesting with Amarinder Singh's Punjab Lok Congress and Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa's Shiromani Akali Dal (Sanyukt).
The ruling BJP is leaving no stone unturned to retain four states and win Punjab as this election will set the political narrative in the country for the next general elections.
BJP's loss in Uttar Pradesh and other states will strengthen the opposition and will also give a shot in the arm to much talked about opposition unity. Similarly, retaining Uttar Pradesh will boost BJP's chances for the next general elections.
Uttar Pradesh will vote in seven phases - on February 10, 14, 20, 23, 27, March 3 and March 7.
"It is always believed that the Uttar Pradesh assembly poll results will set the tone for the Lok Sabha polls. Similarly, Uttar Pradesh assembly polls this time will also set the agenda either in favour of BJP or against it in the run up for 2024 general elections. Uttar Pradesh, the biggest state with 403 assembly and 80 Lok Sabha seats, is politically very important," a BJP leader said.
To blunt the opposition charges -- of the existence of anti-incumbency against its state government, Covid mismanagement during the second wave, farmers' protests and other issues, the BJP is aggressively sticking to the developmental issues emphasising the development of state taking place only due to 'double engine' government.
The BJP, however, claims that there is no anti-incumbency against any of its state governments and highlights several infrastructural projects completed and welfare measures taken in the last five years.
In 2017 polls, the BJP had swept Uttar Pradesh along with its alliance partners by winning about 325 seats in 403 member assembly. This time Samajwadi Party (SP) is emerging as the biggest challenger for the BJP. The saffron party is also a little worried about the SP-RLD alliance which may work against it in Western Uttar Pradesh.
A senior BJP office-bearer claims that people have already decided to elect the BJP government in Uttar Pradesh. "The love and blessings we received during 'Jan Ashirwad Yatras' in all the 403 assembly constituencies is clearly showing people have already made up their mind to elect the BJP government to continue uninterrupted development of the state," he said.
The BJP is campaigning aggressively to gain political ground in Punjab after its alliance came to an end with Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) in 2020 on controversial three farm laws. The saffron party leaders believe that Punjab Lok Congress and Shiromani Akali Dal (Sanyukt) will make political gains in the state. The result will also show whether the repeal of three farm laws benefited the BJP and its alliance partner or not in Punjab.
In Goa, where the BJP is in power for 10 years and will be contesting assembly polls for the first time after the death of its biggest leader Manohar Parrikar, is facing challenges from Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), Congress and debutant Trinamool Congress (TMC).
In Uttarakhand, whether changing three chief ministers in four months has benefited the BJP or not will be found out after the assembly poll results. In March, BJP had made Tirath Singh Rawat Chief Minister of Uttarakhand replacing Trivendra Singh Rawat. In July Tirath Singh was replaced by Pushkar Singh Dhami. The BJP has set a target of winning over 60 seats in the next assembly polls in Uttarakhand. In the last assembly polls in 2017, the BJP won 57 seats.
Punjab, Goa and Uttarakhand will vote on February 14.
The BJP is trying to retain Manipur on the issues of development, and 'bandh, blockade' free state in the last five years. The BJP had won 21 of the 60 seats in the 2017 Manipur Assembly polls and formed the government with support from regional parties.
Manipur will vote in two phases on February 27 March 3.
In Angul, party workers along with the district president celebrated by bursting crackers. Upbeat over the performance, they expressed that the party can get similar results in Odisha if workers and leaders work together.
Similarly, in Sundergarh, Congress workers observed 'Vijay Utsav' after the election result trends indicated victory for the party, even though the formal announcement was yet to be made. On the occasion, the party workers celebrated by dancing to the dhol and distributing sweets among them.
On the other hand, Congress Talsara MLA Prafulla Majhi joined the party workers during celebrations in Sundergarh. Majhi said that the results of Chhattisgarh will affect upcoming election in Odisha and other states.
"The way people have given their mandate to Congress is a very good indicator for the party. It will affect results in other states as well. Soon, the country will become BJP mukt," Majhi said.
The three-member Election Commission headed by Chief Election Commissioner A.K. Jyoti will address a press conference at 4 p.m. at which the full poll schedule for the two states was likely to be released.
The term of the 182-member Gujarat assembly ends on January 22, 2018 while that of the 68-member Himachal Pradesh's Assembly ends on January 7, 2018.
While elections for the Assemblies of Haryana and Maharashtra are due in October this year that of Jharkhand are scheduled for December.
There is speculation that the advancing of the Assembly elections could be considered as the BJP may not like anti-incumbency to hit the states if Assembly polls are held separately. The party believes that if held along with the Lok Sabha elections, the performance of the Central government and Prime Minister Narendra Modi may overwhelm all negative factors.
It suits the BJP to ride on the Modi's image as also on some of the "populist" measures expected in the Budget to beat the anti-incumbency.
Polls to the Assemblies of Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Odisha and Sikkim are scheduled to be held alongside the Lok Sabha polls. Besides, polls to elect an Assembly in Jammu and Kashmir, which is under President's Rule at present, may also be held along with Lok Sabha polls.
In Haryana, buoyed by his party's success in the local body elections in which it won all five mayoral posts, Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar has already expressed his willingness for simultaneous polls.
In Maharashtra, though Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis is not keen on advancing Assembly polls, he would ultimately have to go by the party's decision if it goes for simultaneous polls.
In Jharkhand, too, the BJP may decide to advance the polls as an alliance between the Congress, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (JVM) is taking shape, and it would like to counter it with Modi's high decibel Lok Sabha campaign.
Both Pilot and Gehlot had separate meetings with Gandhi, unlike in Madhya Pradesh where the two aspirants -- Kamal Nath and Jyotiraditya Scindia -- had met him together.
Party observer for Rajasthan K. C. Venugopal, who was also at the meetings, told the media later that taking decision on leadership was not easy but it will be announced on Friday.
"Taking decision on CM is not an easy job. The final decision will be taken tomorrow in a meeting to be held here around 10 a.m.," he said.
Pilot, who had a meeting with Gandhi earlier in the day, reached Gandhi's residence at 10.30 p.m on Thursday.
The meeting came hours after the leadership issue was settled in Madhya Pradesh, with Gandhi tweeting his picture with Kamal Nath and Scindia, who were both chief ministerial aspirants. The smiling picture carried the line "The two most powerful warriors are patience and time - Leo Tolstoy."
Kamal Nath was chosen as the new Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh and both he and Scindia flew down to Bhopal to announce the decision.
Party sources said Gandhi is keen to give a similar message for Rajasthan as well.
Both in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, the Congress missed the majority mark by two seats and is now dependent on some external support.
Pilot, who stayed put in Delhi, appealed to party workers to maintain peace and saying that he would "welcome" any decision that will be taken by the party.
He issued the appeal on Twitter as reports emerged that Gehlot has been picked by the party leadership to lead the government and that his (Pilot's) supporters were protesting on the streets demanding that Pilot should be made the Chief Minister.
The name of 67-year-old Gehlot, a two-time Chief Minister, is expected to be announced by the party on Friday.
Earlier, Gehlot and Pilot met Rahul Gandhi. UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi is understood to have counselled Rahul Gandhi over relying on "experience" as it was a verdict with a narrow margin of victory and a seasoned leader would be better equipped to deal with a situation in which the party would need the backing of MLAs belonging to BSP and Independents, who won 13 seats. Most of them are Congress rebels.
The party won 99 seats and with its pre-poll alliance partner it managed to touch the halfway mark in the 200-member Assembly.
Pilot reportedly put up a strong claim to the post on the ground that he had galvanised the party after the defeat in 2013, when he was appointed the state party chief.
Gehlot, who was planning to leave for Jaipur but was asked to stay back in Delhi, also appealed to workers to maintain peace and said any decision taken by the leadership will be acceptable to all.
Asked by the media why he returned from the airport, he said he could leave at night or on Friday accompanied by central party observer K.C. Venugopal and Avinash Pande, who is the party in charge in the state.
About the delay in announcing a decision, Gehlot said: "Such decisions take time because three states are involved. It is good that the leadership has decided to consult various leaders and workers."
Replying to another question, he said, "What right BJP has to question us on the decisions? A signal has gone from the elections to the country that those who created an atmosphere of hate have been wiped out from the Hindi heartland. And this is what will happen in the Lok Sabha elections too."
On Tuesday and Wednesday, the central Congress observers met the newly elected MLAs in a bid to find out who they would prefer as Chief Minister.
The MLAs authorised Gandhi to take the call on the Chief Minister's name.
Both Gehlot and Pilot had also called on Governor Kalyan Singh on Wednesday evening and staked claim to form the government. Both contested the Assembly elections and won their seats.
"As we have not got the majority in the state so we are not going to stake claim to form the government. And I am going to submit my resignation to the Governor," he said.
KCR, as Rao is popularly known, defeated his nearest rival V. Pratap Reddy of the Congress by over 50,000 votes. In 2014, the TRS chief had won the seat by a margin of 19,391 votes over Pratap Reddy, who had then contested as a Telugu Desam Party (TDP) candidate.
The 64-year-old had earlier represented Siddipet Assembly constituency in undivided Andhra Pradesh. He was elected from Siddipet in six consecutive elections since 1985. His only electoral defeat was in 1983 in the same constituency when had made his debut with TDP.
KCR, who quit TDP to float TRS in 2001 to revive the movement for a separate Telangana state, was thrice elected to the Lok Sabha from Karimnagar and once from Mahabubnagar.
A former central minister, KCR was elected to the Lok Sabha also from Medak in 2014 but resigned to retain the Gajwel assembly seat to become the Chief Minister.
State Congress chief Uttam Kumar Reddy demanded that 100 per cent counting of Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) be taken up.
He asked all Congress candidates to submit letters to returning officers concerned for counting of paper trails.
Congress, which headed the four-party People's Front, was leading in just 21 constituencies while the TRS was ahead in 87.
Election Commission officials also said on the basis of preliminary trends that the ruling Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) was way ahead of the Congress in Telangana in the five-state elections seen as a trendsetter ahead of the Lok Sabha polls next year.
Congress and BJP candidates were leading in 18 constituencies each in Madhya Pradesh, which the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has ruled for the past 15 years. In neighbouring Chhattisgarh, the two parties were forging ahead in nine seats each.
Congress candidates were ahead of their rivals in 34 constituencies in Rajasthan, a state which has never re-elected a ruling party in recent times, leaving the BJP on the possible winning track in 25.
The TRS made significant gains, leading in 28 seats, leaving the Congress way behind in 15 constituencies.
The polling will be held from 7 a.m. to 5 p.m. in 106 constituencies, while in 13 Left Wing Extremism (LWE) affected constituencies, the polling will conclude at 4 p.m.
Around 2.8 crore voters will decide the fate of 1,821 candidates in the first election after Telangana was formed.
The ruling Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) is facing a resurgent Congress-led People's Front in its bid for a second term.
The TRS government dissolved the Assembly about eight months ahead of the schedule in the hope of taking the Opposition parties by surprise but the Congress threw a surprise by coming up with an alliance in a bid to oust the ruling party.
For the 119-member Telangana assembly where the Congress has tied up with rivals TDP, CPI and Telangana Jana Samithi (TJS), a new party floated by M. Kodandaram, who was once Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao's friend in the Telangana movement.
Telangana has 51,796 polling stations, an increase of 14.25 per cent over the previous election in 2013.
As per the BARC data, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) topped the rankings of advertisers across all TV channels for the week ended November 16, prompting the Congress to question its electoral funding.
"These advertisement spends by the BJP reflect a clear nexus between big businesses and big politicians... This is crony capitalism personified, this is the quintessential 'suit-boot ki sarkar'," Congress leader Manish Tewari told the media here citing the BARC data.
Flaying the Narendra Modi government for turning electoral funding "far more opaque" through the electoral bond schemes, the Congress demanded that the EC intervene, especially in view of the Assembly polls in the five states -- Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Mizoram, Telangana and Rajasthan -- the results of which will be declared on December 11.
"The EC must summon this BARC data and need to find out how much money India's top advertiser (BJP) has spent on these advertisements.
"We demand the EC take suo-motu cognisance of the BARC data, translate it into monetary spends and see what is the impact on electoral process. The EC must take serious cognisance of its impact on the probity transparency and integrity of the electoral process," said the former Minister of Information and Broadcasting.
He also said the electoral bonds scheme has made political funding very opaque giving rise to crony capitalism.
"The ruling dispensation has access to source and final destination of the bonds which acts as deterrence for any company to try and fund an opposition party, especially when this government has unleashed central agencies on opposition parties and leaders, media houses or anyone who dares to oppose them," added Tewari.
The working committee was also dissolved on Tuesday night and there shall be fresh elections within the next three months, RCA secretary R.S. Nandu told IANS.
"A total of 16 districts, out of the 33 affiliated with the RCA, had filed a complaint against Joshi two months ago for his alleged inefficiency in handling the responsibilities of the state cricket body," he said.
"Joshi had flouted the Sports Act according to which domestic tournaments must be conducted at regular intervals. The annual audit which is quite mandatory for the books of the association was also not done by him," added Nandu.
He said that an eight-member ad hoc committee had been formed under the Rajasthan Sports Act to monitor the cricketing body's day-to-day activities.
Vinod Saharan shall head this body and eight members will be chosen from 33 districts.
Nandu is known to be close to the Lalit Modi camp.
In the last elections between Joshi and Lalit Modi's son Ruchir, the latter lost. But now there is a strong chance of him becoming the RCA president, confirmed sources which will see Lalit Modi emerge stronger in the association.
The BJP Parliamentary Board met in the evening and expressed confidence that the party would form governments in Nagaland and Meghalaya also, claiming it has got absolute majority with allies in the two states that have thrown up fractured verdicts.
Riding on Saturday's electoral victory, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and party President Amit Shah told BJP workers that their goal now should be to capture power in Karnataka, Kerala, West Bengal and Odisha.
Pulling of a historic victory, the BJP and its ally Indigenous People's Front of Tripura (IPFT), a tribal-dominated party, together won 43 out of 59 Tripura constituencies. The BJP on its own won 35 seats, four more than the half-way mark, while its ally IPFT won eight seats. In a remarkable performance, the alliance swept all the 20 seats reserved for tribals.
The BJP, which had no MLAs in the outgoing Assembly and polled just 1.5 per cent votes in the 2013 elections, losing deposits in 49 of the 50 constituencies it contested, secured over 42 per cent of votes in the February 18 Tripura elections.
Tripura Pradesh BJP President Biplab Kumar Deb, who won from Banamalipur, is tipped to be the Chief Ministerial choice.
The CPI-M which headed the ruling Left Front was reduced to just 15 seats -- down from 50 in the last elections. None of its partners, including the CPI, Forward Bloc and Revolutionary Socialist Party, could open their account.
Chief Minister Manik Sarkar, who has been heading the Left Front government for the last 20 years, was leading from Dhanpur but counting was stalled after a complaint by the BJP.
The Congress, which had 10 members in the outgoing assembly, drew a blank this time.
Polling in Charilam (Reserved-Tribal) was deferred to March 12 after CPI-M candidate Ramendra Narayan Debbarma died a week before the February 18 polls. Votes for this will be counted on March 15.
In Nagaland, the ruling Naga People's Front (NPF) won 27 of the 60 assembly seats while the BJP got 11.
Interestingly, the BJP has two ministers in the NPF government but had stitched a pre-poll alliance with the National Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) that won 16 seats.
The NPF headed by Chief Minister T.R. Zeliang has already passed a resolution, expressing its desire to continue its alliance with the BJP. BJP leaders have also given enough indications of going with the NPF, possibly dumping ally NDPP.
The voting was held in 59 of the total 60 constituencies as three-time Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio of the NDPP was declared elected unopposed from Northern Angami-II constituency.
Meghalaya, once a Congress bastion, appeared headed for a non-Congress government. Emerging as the single largest party, the ruling Congress won 21 seats -- down from 29 seats it had won in 2013 -- in the 60-member Assembly.
The National People's Party (NPP), a possible BJP ally, won 19 seats. The BJP got two.
With power at the Centre, the BJP can cobble a post-poll coalition to form a government by roping in smaller parties with the NPP at the head. The smaller winning parties include PDF (4), UDP (6) and HSPDP (2). The KHNAM and NCP have won one seat each and independents three.
Addressing party workers in Delhi, Modi and Shah hailed the verdict in the northeast as historic and said the goal for the party workers should be to capture power in Karnataka, Kerala, Odisha and West Bengal.
Briefing reporters after the BJP Parliamentary Board meeting, Union Health Minister J.P. Nadda said Transport and Shipping Minister Nitin Gadkari and Tribal Affairs Minister Jual Oram will go to Agartala to oversee the election of legislature party leader in the state.
The party also decided to depute Nadda and General Secretary Arun Singh to Kohima and Union Ministers Kiren Rijiju and K.J. Alphons to Shillong to hold talks with regional parties and try and form governments in the two states.
The ruling Congress has managed to win 10 seats so far, with its Chief Ministerial candidate and sitting incumbent Virbhadra Singh winning with a handsome margin from Arki.
The Bharatiya Janata Party needs 35 seats to control the Himachal Assembly.
His son Vikramaditya Singh also marked his maiden victory in the assembly with a comfortable margin from Shimla (Rural), the seat his father was earlier representing.
The BJP's state chief Satpal Satti faced a humiliating defeat in Una from the Congress' Satpal Singh Razda.
BJP Chief Ministerial candidate Dhumal was trailing with a huge margin against his close rival Rajinder Rana of the Congress from Sujanpur.
Dhumal's close confidants Ravinder Ravi, Gulab Singh and Randhir Sharma, all sitting legislators, and Tejwant Negi, lost.
Congress cabinet ministers Sudhir Sharma, Thakur Singh and Prakash Chaudhary faced defeat from the BJP.
Chaudhary lost from Balh in Mandi district with a big margin. BJP's Inder Singh Gandhi won this seat.
Likewise, BJP's Ravindra Dhiman defeated Congress' sitting legislator Yadvinder Goma from Jaisinghpur and Kishori Lal of the BJP defeated Bansi Lal of the Congress from Anni seat.
BJP's sitting legislator Suresh Bhardwaj retained his Shimla seat, defeating Congress' Harbhajan Bhajji.
Anil Sharma, who resigned from the government and the ruling Congress and joined the opposition BJP just ahead of the polls along with his father and former Telecom Minister Sukh Ram, retained his Mandi seat.
Independent Hoshiar Singh dealt a humiliating defeat to BJP and Congress heavyweights Ravinder Ravi and Viplove Thakur, respectively, in Dehra.
Congress' sitting legislator Anirudh Singh retained his Kasumpti seat by defeating BJP's Vijay Jyoti Sain. Both belong to the royal families.
CPI-M's Rakesh Singha defeated his near rival Rakesh Verma of the BJP from Theog.
State BJP spokesperson Ganesh Dutt told IANS: "We have crossed the half-way mark. This clearly indicates we are going to form the government in the state."
A total of 337 candidates contested the November 9 election. A total of 37,83,580 people voted in the hill state -- a record 75.28 per cent polling.
The Congress and the BJP contested in all the 68 constituencies. Most exit polls had predicted the BJP's return to power with a majority.
The state has alternately elected Congress and BJP since 1985. In 2012, the Congress won 36 seats and the BJP 26. Independents bagged six seats.
Having taken over the reins on March 16, following the Congress's resounding victory in the assembly elections, Amarinder is faced with the daunting task of rescuing Punjab from a severe debt situation, flight of industry, utter lack of jobs and low enthusiasm for industrial investment.
"Even before we won the elections, some industrialists had told me that they would be ready to invest (in Punjab) if we (Congress) come to power," Amarinder had said last month after taking over.
Sources in the Punjab government told IANS that Amarinder and his team would try to woo big corporate houses like Reliance and others to announce investments in Punjab.
The Chief Minister will begin his three-day Mumbai trip on Monday. Accompanied by some of his ministers and top bureaucrats, Amarinder will have "one-on-one" interactions with nearly a dozen industry and corporate leaders, official sources said here.
The focus areas would be sectors like manufacturing, food processing, pharmaceuticals, engineering and information technology.
Within days of coming to power, Amarinder Singh has already met Japanese Ambassador Kenji Hiramatsu and Mitsubishi Corporation Managing Director Kazunori Konishi.
Adani Group President and Chairman of several key companies of the Gujarat-based group, Pranav Adani, met Amarinder here last week to discuss possible areas of investment in Punjab.
"Investment is important for Punjab as the Congress manifesto has promised hundreds of thousands of jobs, smartphones and other things to the people," a ruling party legislator told IANS here.
But things are not going to be easy for the Chief Minister and his government in terms of immediate returns.
Amarinder's past experience with industry has not been good, and his recently-released authorised biography, "The People's Maharaja" by Khushwant Singh (not to be confused with the literary icon), throws light on this -- in his own words.
"Amarinder Singh did not mince his words: I have a bone to pick with Ratan Tata. He gave me a commitment to invest and then backed out of it. I didn't expect this from Ratan Tata, especially after he had shaken hands at the Taj Hotel, Chandigarh, where we met for lunch," the author has written.
"Tata was expecting too much, which the state could ill afford," close aide Suresh Kumar, who is the most powerful bureaucrat in Amarinder's present government, was quoted as saying in the book on the March 2006 meeting.
In his previous tenure (2002-07), the Amarinder Singh government had rolled out some big-ticket projects, like the Farm-to-Fork project with Reliance, to show industrial investment in Punjab. After the Shiromani Akali Dal-BJP alliance government took over in the state in 2007, the project fizzled out.
Amarinder had then accused the Akali Dal government of deliberately scuttling the project.
Official sources told IANS that Parrikar sent a faxed letter of resignation to the Prime Minister's Office ahead of the oath taking ceremony, which is likely on Tuesday.
Parrikar, who was on Sunday appointed by the BJP to head the new government, has claimed the support of 21 lawmakers in the 40-member Goa assembly. The BJP with 13 MLAs is supported by three legislators each of the Goa Forward Party and the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party and two independent legislators.
In the just concluded polls, the Congress emerged as the single largest party with 17 seats, but not enough to form government.
Goa Governor Mridula Sinha has asked Parrikar to prove majority on the floor of the Goa Legislative Assembly 15 days after taking oath.
With the BJP set to return to power in Uttar Pradesh (UP) after 15 years and the Congress gaining the lead in Punjab, market observers were of the view that the victory of the BJP in UP has great political importance and would infuse positive sentiments in the domestic bourses.
"Considering the fact that its a thumping victory for the BJP, it will be a positive opening for the equity markets. UP is a standout state and politically most important. It will be giving a lot of political equity to the government and this is going to be positive for the markets," Anindya Banerjee, Associate Vice President for Currency Derivatives with Kotak Securities, told IANS on Saturday.
"We can see a gap up opening in the Nifty -- possibly 100 points plus. However, there will be a gap down for the dollar/rupee, possibly at the 66.30-40 levels (indicating strengthening of rupee at the opening level)," he added.
In the state elections, the BJP -- that heads the ruling NDA at the Centre -- swept UP and Uttarakhand, while running neck-and-neck with the Congress in Goa and Manipur. In Punjab, the Congress was headed for a two-third majority.
According to Dhruv Desai, Director and Chief Operating Officer of Tradebulls, a spurt is expected in the equities markets post the assembly election results, especially the UP poll results.
"With the UP mandate, the government may further be emboldened to work towards reforms in all realms of the government which will lead to structural changes in the country over the next seven years," Desai said.
"The rally might propel the NSE Nifty above 9,000 points mark or 120 points upward movement."
Market analysts also pointed out that the sustainability of the impact of the assembly results on the equity markets will depend on a number of global factors such as the outcome of the US Federal Open Market Committee's (FOMC) meet on whether or not to raise interest rates.
Anand James, Chief Market Strategist, Geojit Financial Services, said: "The election results are likely to under deliver in terms of positive surprise as the expectations for the final seat share is not much off from what the markets were pricing in on Friday."
"Having said that, next week -- shortened due to Monday's holiday -- will have its own dynamics, and a knee-jerk upside on Tuesday cannot be ruled out. But it's sustainability purely based on the verdict is doubtful especially with the rate decisions of a flurry of central banks, including FOMC."
On Friday, the benchmark indices had closed with marginal gains on the back of a strong rupee, coupled with fresh inflow of foreign funds and positive global cues.
The wider 51-scrip Nifty of the National Stock Exchange (NSE) closed at 8,934.55 points -- up 7.55 points or 0.08 per cent.
Similarly, the barometer 30-scrip sensitive index (Sensex) of the BSE rose by 17.10 points or 0.06 per cent to close at 28,946.23 points.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's "tsunami" swept away Chief Minister Harish Rawat who lost from both the seats he contested: Haridwar Rural and Kichcha.
Rawat lost to Yatiswaranand of the BJP by 12,278 votes in Haridwar Rural and to Rajesh Shukla in Kichha by a slender 2,154 votes.
The ruling Congress managed to win only 11 seats, after which Rawat resigned.
Rawat, after Congress's rout, hinted at possible tampering of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) to tweak the poll outcome.
"I want to thank 'Modi Kranti' (revolution) and EVM 'chamatkar' (miracle)," he said.
When reporters asked if he was hinting at tampering of EVMs, he said he did not say anything like this. "You know everything. I am not confusing you. I leave it to you to understand."
He added that the Election Commission must explain why the poll process was stretched over such a long duration.
As the election results began to pour in after the vote count began at 8 a.m., BJP activists and supporters celebrated at the party headquarters at Dehradun and all across the state.
Despondent Congress leaders admitted that they had not anticipated such a huge defeat although they were not confident of a victory either.
Prominent BJP winners included Ritu Khanduri, Kedar Singh, Satpal Maharaj, Bharat Singh, Madan Kaushik, Dhan Singh Rawat and Saurabh Bahuguna, son of former Chief Minister Vijay Bahuguna.
After the poll results, BJP President Amit Shah announced that a Chief Minister will be decided after a meeting of the Parliamentary Board on Sunday which is likely to be attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Meanwhile, three major leaders including former state BJP chief Trivendra Singh Rawat and party National Executive member Satpal Maharaj emerged as strong contenders for the Chief Minister's post.
Late evening, party's Pithoragarh MLA Prakash Pant, the first Speaker of Uttarakhand assembly, emerged as another contender for the post.
Pant's name emerged after party's another Brahmin face and State BJP Chief Ajay Bhatt, who was a contender, lost election from Ranikhet assembly seat.
The BJP won 57 seats, highest ever won by any party in the state so far. The party garnered a considerable 46.5 per cent of votes.
In contrast, the Congress' tally of 11 seats is the lowest-ever returned by the grand old party in Uttarakhand.
The Congress, though in terms of percentage, got a respectable 33.5 per cent of votes against its last time percentage of 33.79 per cent. But the percentage of votes did not translate into seats for the Congress.
Till this election, Uttarakhand has hardly ever given a comfortable majority to any party and both the BJP and the Congress have had to depend on regional parties and independent MLAs for forming the governments, which were not very stable.
In the 2012 assembly elections, the BJP and the Congress had seen a close contest and won 31 and 32 seats, respectively -- both short of the simple majority mark of 36.
In terms of percentage, the Congress had got 33.79 per cent of votes while the BJP got 33.13 per cent.
After tight haggling, the Congress ultimately formed the government with the help of the BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party), which had got three seats, Uttarakhand Kranti Dal (one seat) and three Independents.
While the Congress' infighting can be blamed to some extent for the party's poor showing, the Modi wave seemed to have swept the hilly state like never before.