Bhubaneswar: Maoist rebels have tried their best to disrupt the ongoing polls. On the eve of voting for the second phase of elections they had shot dead a polling official in Kandhmal. The victim, Sanjukta Digal, was on her way to her designated polling booth when the ultras triggered a blast targeting the vehicle she was travelling in along with other colleagues. The vehicle, however, managed to negotiate the stretch safely. Frustrated the rebels opened fire at the vehicle killing Digal.
In another incident in the same district the Maoists had set a bike and two SUVs on fire. The vehicles were carrying polling materials like EVMs and VVPATs. Now nearly two weeks after the killing of Digal the radicals have gunned down a businessman in Kandhmal district suspecting him to be a police informer. The victim was dragged out of his house and shot at point blank range.
The latest killing by the Maoists is an attempt to trigger panic among people ahead of final round of polling in the state tomorrow. Among the Lok Sabha constituencies going to the polls in the final round the ultras are active in parts of Mayurbhanj that borders West Bengal where, too, the Red menace has been a cause of concern.
Maoists don’t believe in democracy and elections. Their ideology is at complete variance with the values that a modern democratic country like India stands for. Worse they believe in the use of violence to achieve their objectives. Each time there is an election in the country they trigger violence in a bid to disrupt the polling process.
Neighbouring Chhatisgarh has been the worst victim of Maoist violence. Earlier this month the ultras killed four BSF men deployed on election duty in the state which in 2013 had witnessed one of the biggest attacks by the Maoists who had targeted a convoy of vehicles carrying senior Congress leaders in Darbha valley. The attack wiped out almost the entire senior Congress leadership of the state.
Significantly, Maoists active in Odisha districts like Koraput and Malkangiri had taken part in the Darbha valley ambush the memory of which still sends shivers down the spine of politicians. It is common knowledge now that rebels from Odisha frequently cross over to the Chhatisgarh side and vice-versa to carry out major operations.
In fact, Maoist cadres from Chhatisgarh had a major role to play in the Nayagarh attack of 2008 in which the town’s police armoury was looted and 14 persons including a dozen policemen were gunned down. Red cadres from Andhra Pradesh have also been taking part in operations in Odisha and Chhatisgarh.
In all these states the Maoists have been trying their best to subvert the elections by resorting to violence. But one must congratulate the security forces and the polling personnel of these states for fighting the Red terror with extreme courage, making great sacrifices in the process. It is their bravery and commitment to duty that reinforces our faith in elected democracy which has survived so many challenges in the past.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: One of the biggest casualties of cyclone Fani has been the green cover of the areas hit by it. Destruction of trees in cities like Bhubaneswar and Puri has been massive, making large areas completely bare of any kind of foliage. The capital city, one of the greenest in the country, must have lost thousands of trees of all sizes. Some of these trees were pretty old and their replacement seems virtually impossible.
The cyclone has also taken a huge toll on wildlife sanctuaries like Chandaka and Konark-Balukhand situated in the backyard of Bhubaneswar and Puri respectively. Chandaka has always acted as the green lung of the state capital where pollution has been growing for past sometime, thanks to a massive increase in vehicular traffic and operation of stone crushers on its outskirts.
So Bhubaneswar has been lucky to have Chandaka in its backyard. The Nandan Kanan zoological park, one of the major tourist attractions of the state capital, was, in fact, carved out of Chandaka forest. This is the reason this park is rated as one of the most natural animal parks in the country.
So any loss of greenery in Chandaka is also bound to have its impact on Nandan Kanan which is already a victim of mindless construction activity around it. Environmentalists in the past have raised the issue of clearing of trees in the vicinity of Nandan Kanan for the construction of high rise apartments and the impact of the resultant heat on the park.
Chandaka sanctuary is not only an elephant habitat it is also home to several other species of wildlife. The animals cannot survive without tree cover and any destruction of the forest canopy would result in their straying out of their habitat and entering areas of human habitation.
As it is Chandaka has become notorious for elephant raids on human habitations around it. In the recent past these animals have also been found roaming residential colonies in the outer areas of the state capital. They have been destroying houses and blocking roads. The blow dealt to the sanctuary by cyclone Fani could result in an increase in this phenomenon.
Very soon we may even find gangs of monkeys, rendered homeless by the cyclone, raiding areas in Bhubaneswar. They have even otherwise been frequent visitors but now they would be more visible than ever in our balconies and on the top of our houses as hordes of them would be out of the forests scouring for food.
One can also imagine the plight of wild animals, especially spotted deer, in the Konark-Balukhand sanctuary. Herds of them had reportedly gone missing in the wake of the cyclone that has caused massive destruction to the area’s tree cover. Good news is that they have been traced and are reported to be safe but any such natural disaster has a long term impact on wildlife.
As the state counts its losses in the wake of Fani the authorities need to pay special attention to the destruction of greenery and try to find ways of restoring it.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: In his fifth innings as the chief minister of the state, Naveen Patnaik seems to have put his best foot forward asking his ministers to submit monthly performance reports with regard to the implementation of Biju Janata Dal’s election promises.
The opposition may deride it as a political stunt but it appears to be a good move aimed at keeping the ministers on their toes. It will instil a sense of responsibility among them instead of making them complacent as often happens when a party bags a brute majority.
Even towards the end of his last term as chief minister Patnaik had sought to put the performance of his ministers under scrutiny. He reviewed the work of each department separately making the ministers and the concerned bureaucrats of the department responsible for any delays or lapses.
Such exercises have some obvious advantages. Apart from the fact that it keeps the ministers and bureaucrats attached to them on their toes it gives the government enough time for course correction. This way the government ensures that it is not caught unawares.
Knowing the strengths and weaknesses of his ministers is important for a chief minister if he wishes to make the best possible use of his team. He can pull up ministers found wanting and reward good performers. Periodic review of the performance of ministers can come in handy for a chief minister ahead of a reshuffle or expansion. It rules out the scope for grumbling among ministers dropped on the basis of their report card.
If sources in the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) are to be believed the idea of putting both ministers and party MLAs under scrutiny was first mooted by late Pyari Mohan Mohapatra, the bureaucrat-turned-politician who was Patnaik’s chief political advisor and strategist for a long time. Trained as an administrator he had evolved a system of assessing the performance of BJD MLAs and ministers with an eye to the long term gains of such an exercise.
One obvious advantage of this was that it inculcated a sense of discipline among party leaders including ministers. It helped Mohapatra, who practically ran the BJD on behalf of Patnaik, maintain a stranglehold over the party. The feedback on ministers and MLAs came in handy for the party leadership at the time of elections when it selected candidates. Efficient and hard working MLAs were rewarded with re-nominations while sluggards were chucked out.
The system worked quite efficaciously and BJD reaped rich electoral dividends. Though Mohapatra and Patnaik parted on a bitter note the latter still seems to be putting to use some of the lessons that he learnt from his “uncle” who had to quit the BJD in the most ignominious fashion after being accused of plotting a coup against the chief minister.
Patnaik’s bid to assess the performance of his ministers shows that he is serious about his commitments. Instead of resting on his laurels he would keep working hard to ensure that his government delivers on its promises.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: The controversy surrounding newly elected Patnagarh MLA, Saroj Meher’s alleged “dabanggiri” with a PWD junior engineer seems to be snowballing. With video clips of Meher, a first time lawmaker of Biju Janata Dal (BJD), forcing the JE to do sit-ups in public for having carried out poor quality of road work going viral the ruling party finds itself in an embarrassing situation. As the chances of public outrage against the MLA’s objectionable behaviour receding quickly appear remote chief minister, Naveen Patnaik may be forced to take disciplinary action against him.
That Meher has been elected to the assembly for the first time is no excuse for indulging in such an act which has not only compromised the dignity of a government servant but also shown his own fraternity in poor light. Being mass representatives MLAs and MPs ought to act with a high sense of responsibility as they are almost always under public scanner. But flush with his recent electoral victory Meher seems to have crossed the line.
There is nothing wrong with an MLA trying to test check the quality of work being done in his constituency. But the problem arises when he or she tries to play to the gallery which seems to be the case in this incident. Apparently acting upon the complaints of people in Belpada area of his constituency about the poor quality of work in an under-construction road project Meher went and personally examined the road work under progress. The video that has gone viral on the social media shows him digging up a patch of the freshly tarred road and then turning his ire on the junior engineer asking him to do sit-ups in full view of the assembled people.
It appeared to be a scene straight out of a kangaroo court, a piece of behaviour completely unacceptable in a civilized society. Such incidents, rightly cited as examples of lawlessness, might be common in some other Indian states but Odisha fortunately has been immune to such tendencies.
What is it that made Meher indulge in this kind of behaviour? Was this the arrogance of a ruling party MLA or was it the reckless exuberance of a man trying to show off his newly acquired power as a lawmaker? In both cases it is inexcusable and protests against him appear completely justified.
While the wife of the junior engineer concerned has lodged a police complaint the Bolangir Diploma Engineers’ Association staged demonstrations demanding action against the MLA who, in the meanwhile, has offered an apology and sought to explain his act as an attempt to assuage public anger against the poor quality of road work in the Belpada area.
Apology notwithstanding the reprehensible act of the MLA deserves the all-round condemnation that it has been drawing. The least that the BJD can do is to reprimand the errant MLA and warn him to desist from such behaviour in future. If the party lets him off without a warning it will be seen as an act of hubris. It will set a bad example.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: Chief minister, Naveen Patnaik’s request to Prime Minister, Narendra Modi at their recent meeting in New Delhi that states hit by major calamities be declared special focus states and granted benefits of special category status for a specific period has evoked varied reactions.
While state BJP has described it as a political stunt the Congress, too, has questioned the chief minister’s sincerity in the matter. The BJP’s argument is that Patnaik should not be making such a demand when he has failed to make full use of the funds that the Centre has been providing to the state.
On the other hand a Congress leader sought to question Patnaik’s commitment on the issue as he had failed to do anything to realise the demand when he was himself a minister at the Centre.
But irrespective of the criticism being levelled against Patnaik by BJP and Congress his demand seems justified as Odisha, which has been at the receiving end of Nature’s fury for a long time, needs special attention of the Centre. It needs sustained flow of adequate central funds.
Patnaik’s special focus request is only a logical progression towards making Centre accept its long standing demand for special category state status to Odisha. The chief minister now wants that natural calamity be included as an indicator for the grant of special category tag to states.
One would recall that the demand for state being accorded special category status was first raised when Biju Janata Dal ran a coalition government in the state with BJP. But the two parties then did not see eye to eye on the issue and with the central BJP leadership not positively inclined the demand was never conceded.
But the BJD has stuck to the demand which seems justified considering the circumstances of the state which has faced one natural calamity after another since 2000 when Naveen Patnaik took over as the chief minister. Besides the demand suits BJD’s politics helping it whip up passions against the Centre as and when required.
All regional parties need issues on which they can build up state specific campaigns projecting themselves as victims of injustice. Thus BJD has successfully turned the special category status demand into a political weapon. It was a major plank of the party in the recently concluded elections which also saw it whipping up regional passions on issues like Mahanadi and Polavaram disputes.
On both Mahanadi and Polavaram BJD leaders have been faulting the Centre more than Chhatisgarh and Andhra Pradesh, the states with which Odisha is engaged in a dispute over these issues. The Centre is seen and shown as acting in a partisan manner favouring Chhatisgarh and Andhra Pradesh instead of Odisha.
The situation in Chhatisgarh, of course, has changed with a Congress government taking charge of the state and the Mahanadi dispute landing before a tribunal which has asked the two states to try and come up with an amicable and mutually acceptable solution.
But BJD leaders still do not appear to be in a mood to forgive the Modi government for having allegedly sided with Chhatisgarh over the Mahanadi dispute when a BJP government was in power in the state. They are similarly aggrieved with the Centre on the Polavaram issue.
The BJD government’s latest push for special category status should be seen in this light. But irrespective of the politics surrounding the demand there is no denying that it is completely justified.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: At a time when saving wildlife has become a challenge for the authorities it is heartening to note that blackbucks ( Antilope cervicapra ) have found a safe sanctuary in the Betnai-Balipadar area of Ganjam district with their population growing at a fast clip.
During the last census in 2018 officials in Ganjam had counted 4082 blackbucks, an increase of 276 compared to their 2015 population. In 2011 the number of these ruminants, locally called krushnasar mruga, in the district was 2194. The growth rate for these animals, with their major concentration in Betnai-Balipadar area, has been around 20 percent.
One of the reasons for this phenomenal growth in the blackbuck population is that people in the Betnai-Belpadar belt, comprising around 14 villages, treat the species, also known as the Indian antelope, almost reverentially. People of the region protect the animals zealously as they are considered to be harbingers of good luck.
While forest officials and local people have joined hands to save these antelopes another important reason for the rise in their population is the absence of predators like tigers in the area. The growth in their population has been so stupendous that it is beginning to cause management problems for forest officials.
The animals, which roam around freely, often destroy standing crops which could be a provocation for people to harm them though nothing of the kind has happened so far. Blackbucks from the region have also started migrating to other areas like Polsara and Bhanjanagar in Ganjam.
The possibility of forest officials discussing issues such as crop destruction with the local community members involved in the protection of these ruminants is not being ruled out. It is being pointed out that while local people are enthusiastic about the protection of these animals they remain worried about the damage being caused to their crops. There have also been instances of land being left fallow for the fear of crops being run over by the ruminants.
In fact, one of the reasons for the migration of blackbucks from Betnai-Balipadar region to other areas is the need for agricultural crops to feed on. But the fact that their population has shown consistent increase in the district is proof that animals can co-exist peacefully with humans.
Yet another example of such happy co-existence between humans and wildlife comes from the Pakidi hill region of the same district. The hill near Aska is home to around 1000 peacocks, the largest concentration of the national bird at any one place in the state.
The brightly plumaged birds, which attract tourists to the area in hordes, enjoy the same kind of love and protection from the local people as the blackbucks. In fact, peacock protection has turned into a popular movement in the area with a Peacock Protection Committee (PCC) having been formed by the people of villages in the periphery of the hill with the support of forest department. The birds feed on ripe tomatoes and red chillies which the people of the area grow in abundance. It is a measure of their love for these birds that during the summer months they keep pots filled with water outside their houses for them to slake their thirst.
If wildlife in Odisha has to survive and thrive we need people in all parts of the state to display similar love and concern for animals.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: Odisha’s temple architecture is the most important reminder of its glorious past. Temples with intricate carvings and great miniature works are scattered across the state. Old Bhubaneswar houses some of these architectural marvels located mostly in its narrow lanes and by-lanes. The sad part, however, is that we have utterly failed to preserve this heritage. Most of these monuments lie in neglect.
Take the case the 7th century Swarnajaleswar temple. It could have been much better maintained and showcased to the outside world. The temple compound is still unkempt by modern standards. No wonder few tourists venture into the premises. But the carvings on its walls sing the glory of a bygone era when temple architecture in the state was at its peak. Miniatures of Shiva, beautifully carved male and female figurines and intricate floral patterns adorn the temple walls and its sanctum sanctorum.
But some of these figurines lie broken while some others have disappeared altogether. For a student of history and temple architecture the ancient shrine, tucked away in the narrow, winding Kotitirtheswar Lane of old Bhubaneswar, is a reminder of the hey-day of Kalingan temple architecture. But it is a sad reminder with Swarnajaleswar, in its present state, crying out for redemption.
There are many such examples. Take for example the case of Bhawanishankar temple which enshrines a rare reclining image of Parvati. It is hemmed in by private houses with most of the occupants being priests and servitors. But they remain unapologetic about the near choking of the temple by the surrounding structures. The Dakara Bibhishaneswar temple in old Bhubaneswar is also flanked by houses and shops. One of the structures abutting the temple once offered computer courses. But nobody minds.
Urban development department officials will tell you that anti-encroachment drives are carried out regularly. In effect this means the exercise is undertaken almost once a year but these invariably end up demolishing only unauthorized shops which are back the moment the bulldozers go away. Illegally constructed houses are hardly ever touched.
Odisha has more than 3,000 historical monuments, mainly temples known for their architectural excellence. The state archaeology department at one point of time had 218 historical monuments under its care while the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) protected 78 including the 12th century Puri Jagannath temple, the 11th century Lingraj temple and the 13th century sun temple at Konark.
Unprotected sites are worse off. These received attention for the first time in 1995 when the 10th Finance Commission allocated Rs 10 crore for the conservation of historical monuments in the state. Work on 426 monuments including 167 protected ones was undertaken between 1995 and 2000. Three hundred and sixty six monuments including 103 protected ones were taken up for conservation during the 11th Finance Commission period.
Apart from conservation security remains a major issue in the case of smaller shrines. There have been several instances of thefts in unprotected temples in Bhubaneswar as well as in other parts of the state. Such cases have also been reported from ASI protected and heavily patronized shrines such as the Puri Jagannath temple and the Lingraj temple in Bhubaneswar. The need for better care of our priceless heritage need not be over-emphasized.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: Union environment ministry’s decision to grant a two-year extension for the construction of Polavaram multi-purpose project in Andhra Pradesh comes as an embarrassment for the Naveen Patnaik-led Biju Janata Dal (BJD) government which has been opposing the dam that threatens to submerge several tribal villages in Malkangiri district.
The discomfiture of Patnaik can be understood as the development comes within days of BJD extending support BJP’s Rajya Sabha candidate, former IAS officer, Ashwini Vaishnav. It was supposed to be a quid pro quo with hopes running high in the state’s ruling dispensation that Odisha’s interests on issues like Polavaram and Mahanadi would be taken care of by the BJP-led NDA government.
Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, however, seems to have lent a sympathetic ear to Andhra Pradesh chief minister, Jaganmohan Reddy’s demand for expediting work on Polavaram as the support of YSR Congress is as crucial to the NDA government as that of Patnaik’s BJD if not more. But this is bound to hurt the interests of Odisha.
Polvaram project has a chequered history. In 2011, the then union government had asked the Andhra Pradesh government to stop its construction. But in 2014, the NDA government declared Polavaram a national project and the 'stop work order' was kept in abeyance to allow construction. Now a two-year extension has been granted by keeping the 'stop work order' in abeyance again.
The project is considered important for Andhra Pradesh as it will irrigate nearly 3 lakh hectares of land, generate hydro power with an installed capacity of 960 MW and provide drinking water to 540 villages covering a population of 25 lakh in Visakhapatnam, East Godavari and West Godavari and Krishna districts. Reddy’s predecessor, Chandrababu Naidu had also pursued the project vigorously despite objections from Odisha.
Last year chief minister, Naveen Patnaik had demanded immediate stoppage of project work till the issues pertaining to Odisha were resolved. "If the project is completed before resolution of all the pending issues then it will lead to a situation which will permanently affect a large number of tribal people in Odisha," he had said in a letter to the Centre.
Patnaik had argued that the construction of the project was in violation of the Godavari Water Dispute Tribunal (GWDT) and it was being carried on without correctly assessing the back-water extent in Sabari and Sileru rivers in Odisha.
Odisha, which had moved Supreme Court over the issue, also claimed that Environmental Clearance (EC) granted to the project in 2005 was invalid as no public hearing was conducted in Malkangiri district which would be severely affected by the project in its present form.
Given this backdrop the decision of the environment ministry to extend the construction period of the project by two years comes as a major blow to Odisha government. The opposition is certain to grill chief minister, Naveen Patnaik over the issue, especially in the backdrop of BJD’s support for BJP candidate, Ashwini Vaishnav in the Rajya Sabha. The development is likely to dent what was being seen as renewed bonhomie between BJD and BJP following Patnaik’s recent meeting with Prime Minister, Narendra Modi in Delhi.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: The visuals of Dana Majhi, a tribal from Kalahandi, carrying his wife’s body on his shoulders after failing to get a hearse are still fresh in the minds of people. That was 2016 but three years down the line nothing much seems to have changed in the state as far as health scenario is concerned. Hearses and ambulances still don’t turn up in time and there have been several cases of women being forced to give birth by the wayside and in makeshift stretchers.
In the latest instance a woman in tribal dominated Nupada district delivered a baby in a cot on which she was being carried from her hilltop village as the ambulance failed to turn up. Poor people, especially those inhabiting far-flung tribal-dominated hamlets, have been the worst victims of this kind of apathy on the part of healthcare authorities.
Apart from infrastructural deficiencies huge vacancies in government-run hospitals and healthcare centres plague the health system. If media reports are to be believed till January this year as many as 2,173 posts of assistant surgeons and 195 specialists were lying vacant in district headquarters hospitals. Similarly, there was an urgent need to fill up vacancies of 38 posts of professors, 77 posts of associate professors and 204 posts of assistant professors in medical colleges and dental college.
Absenteeism among doctors working in district hospitals and health centres has also been rampant, the phenomenon being most visible in interior areas. There have also been instances of doctors being posted in hospitals and PHCs but not turning up for duty. The government has tried almost every trick in its bag to discipline wayward doctors but success continues to elude it.
Health ministers in the past have tried to monitor the attendance of doctors in hospitals, especially hospitals located in far flung areas. There were also attempts to involve panchayati raj representatives in the exercise which, however, triggered massive resentment among the members of the medical fraternity who continued to be defiant.
Aware that private sector hospitals have been luring away doctors with hefty salaries state government also came up with financial incentives for medical practitioners serving in its hospitals. But even these incentives have failed to attract doctors to these hospitals in expected numbers.
The resultant shortfall and the urgent need to keep hospitals and health centres going made the government appoint doctors on contract, some of them well beyond their retirement age. In its latest bid to overcome the crisis the government has decided to increase the retirement age of contractual doctors from 68 to 70 years.
As things stand today of the 6719 sanctioned posts of doctors in the state 513 remain vacant but phenomenon of truancy continues to be a big worry. The health minister recently asserted that absenteeism among doctors would not be tolerated and has advised chief district medical officers (CDMOs) to initiate action in such cases. In the best interest of the state one hopes that he succeeds where his predecessors have failed.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: Congress president, Rahul Gandhi has finally made his resignation from the post official. The contents of his resignation letter are on the Twitter for anyone interested to peruse.
There are some obvious conclusions to be drawn from the letter. First and foremost it puts a premium on accountability which is a good sign. "Rebuilding the party requires hard decisions and numerous people will have to be made accountable for the failure of 2019. It would be unjust to hold others accountable but ignore my own responsibility as president of the party," says the Gandhi scion. He also talks of accountability being a critical factor to the future growth of the party.
However, Rahul, who talks at length about his political differences with the BJP and the need to reclaim the institutions captured by RSS and Prime Minister, Narendra Modi against whom he fought he does not devote much space to exploring the problems plaguing his own party which is of utmost importance at the moment. The party cannot hope to rebuild itself without having the courage to turn the mirror inwards.
With Gandhi having forced Congress Working Committee’s hand by putting his resignation in the Twitter the party would be obliged to look for a new president and pronto. This is not going to be easy considering Congress’s culture of sycophancy and its over-dependence on the Nehru-Gandhi family.
This is evident from the high drama that followed when Rahul dropped first hints about his desire to step down. While leaders from top to bottom swamped him with requests to continue as his departure could have apocalyptic consequences for the country’s oldest party ordinary workers sat on dharna urging him to stay put.
Known as Congress’s first family Gandhis are the cement that keeps the party together. Charges of dynastism notwithstanding they are seen to have made the maximum sacrifices for the party and the country and hence, it is argued, have a natural right to lead the party. But this has bred a culture of flattery that borders on virtual slavery and has taken a heavy toll of merit within the party. Even the Gandhis appear to have become intolerant of anyone who seems capable of challenging their suzerainty over the party which has practically turned into their personal fiefdom.
Hence, Narasimha Rao could never earn the respect of the family despite his successful run as Congress president and the Prime Minister of the country. The ouster of his successor, Sitaram Kesari, who had started asserting himself towards the end of his tenure, was controversial to say the least.
But a Manmohan Singh as Prime Minister suited the family because he was non-assertive and amenable to backseat driving. The jury is still out on whether he or the Gandhis ran the country during the years that he occupied the country’s top office.
It is this typical psyche of Congress leaders that would make the choice of Rahul’s successor an extremely difficult job. And one can be almost certain that the responsibility would ultimately fall on the shoulders of a family loyalist.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: The AICC-appointed Odisha Congress in-charge, Jitendra Singh recently dropped clear hints about a through revamp of the party structure in the state. Such an exercise seems to have become imperative following Congress’s crushing defeat in the recent Lok Sabha and assembly elections in the state.
While in the Lok Sabha the party could manage to win just one seat its assembly tally has slid to 9 from 16 seats in 2014. Embarrassingly enough the Congress has lost its main opposition party tag to the BJP which now has 23 MLAs in the state assembly.
The need for introspection and corrective steps to put the party back on the track cannot be overemphasized. Changes at the top level would be most important in this regard but the biggest challenge for the party in the state is to find a leader with charisma who can change its electoral fortunes. Equally important for the new leader would be to ensure complete unity in the party by sorting out the differences between various factions.
The failure of Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) president, Niranjan Patnaik to deliver is a lesson for the party. He had been anointed as the PCC chief ( he has offered to resign owning moral responsibility for the party’s defeat) in the wake of a long and acrimonious campaign by party MLAs against his predecessor, Prasad Harichandan whose tenure was marred by a constant war between PCC and the Congress Legislature Party (CLP).
Harichandan’s slogan of “ mun nuhen amen” ( We not I) lay in tatters within months of his taking charge as the party president as differences between him and the CLP began widening over a number of issues. Factionalism assumed serious dimensions within the party which failed to put up a united show in elections.
The MLAs insisted on a change with their obvious choice being Niranjan Patnaik who, apart from being resourceful also had past experience of handling PCC president’s responsibility. Patnaik began with a bang but soon familiar problems began plaguing him and his team of office bearers. Former Koraput MLA, Krushna Chandra Sagaria was one of the first to raise the banner of revolt followed by his mentor and former union minister, Srikant Jena. Both had to leave the party.
The bigger blow to Patnaik, however, was the election-eve resignation of two the then senior Congress MLAs—Naba Kishore Das and Jogesh Singh. Both joined the Naveen Patnaik-led Biju Janata Dal (BJD) and contested the election on its ticket. Das is now the health minister of the state.
It was an utterly demoralising development for Patnaik and the party as a whole. Soon another legislator quit the Congress to contest the election on BJP ticket. Besides Patnaik faced a plethora of complaints from ticket seekers who accused him of being unfair and partial towards some leaders.
Given this backdrop the defeat of Congress in the elections was expected. But now that the party is looking for resuscitation by taking corrective steps the big question is will it be able to find a leader who can really unite it by putting an end to the nagging problem of factionalism?
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: Against a target of 120 plus set by BJP president, Amit Shah the party has managed to win to just 23 assembly seats in Odisha. But party leaders remain upbeat about BJP’s prospects in the state where they see tremendous potential for growth. In fact, a section of them think that by the time next general elections come calling BJP will have made itself strong enough to dislodge Naveen Patnaik-led Biju Janata Dal (BJD) from power.
Their confidence stems from the fact that the party, despite winning a mere 23 seats in the state assembly, was the runners up behind the BJD in a large number of constituencies. Besides the BJP in Odisha has achieved its first target of replacing the Congress as the main opposition party. BJP strategists confide that they are moving step by step and will work patiently on strengthening the party’s organisational base right up to the booth level to be able to take full advantage of the factors that work in their favour during the elections.
For example, it is being pointed out that that BJP’s victory on eight Lok Sabha seats in the state including all the five falling in western Odisha is a clear indication of the popularity of Prime Minister, Narendra Modi who happens to be its most powerful poll mascot. However, the party could not take full advantage of this factor in the assembly elections because rival BJD’s organisational base was much stronger in comparison. Besides the party fielded a large number of new candidates who were rather unknown faces and failed to inspire confidence among voters about their winning prospects and BJP’s ability to form a government in the state.
The party now seems keen on taking corrective steps. Apart from strengthening the organisational structure right upto the booth level it would try to evolve a set of leaders who would be projected in a manner so as to acquire a pan-Odisha image. BJP strategists agree that the party in the state is facing a crisis of leaders who can be easily recognised by people not just in their constituencies but across the state. “We need leaders with a profile. Right now we have very few of them and this becomes a major handicap during the elections. People connect easily with known leaders irrespective of whether they are themselves contesting the elections or campaigning for others,” admitted a leader.
On the contrary the BJP has some distinct advantages over its prime rival, the Biju Janata Dal. The most important advantage is that unlike BJD it is not a one-man party which runs the risk of collapsing the moment the top leader is removed from the scene. BJP is a cadre-based party and can withstand the pressure of changes at the top level. The other positive for the saffron outfit is that it is a national party with a central leadership that can come to the rescue of the state unit at the time of crisis. However, what matters most is whether the party can leverage these advantages and make full use of them at the time of elections.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: A new health policy for the state is on the anvil. The government is keen to stop the flight of doctors to hospitals in the private sector, especially outside the state. If the new policy, which is expected to offer fresh and more alluring incentives to doctors, can address the issue of brain drain in the health sector, the crisis of doctors in the state would be automatically resolved.
Health minister, Naba Kishore Das has dropped clear hints in this regard saying that under the new policy steps will be taken to retain doctors who migrate to other states after completing their studies at state government’s expense. Plans are also afoot to create more posts of doctors to deal with the current shortfall which is badly affecting health services in the state.
The number of MBBS graduates coming out of the state is also likely to increase with proposals for setting up more medical colleges at places like Talcher, Puri and Sundergarh. All this sounds fine theoretically but much would depend upon the effective implementation of the policy and the government’s ability to deal with the major problems plaguing the health sector.
This certainly is not the first time that government would be offering special incentives to make its hospitals and health centres more attractive to doctors. In the past special packages including 100 percent additional salary were offered to medicos ready to serve in far flung tribal dominated areas, especially in the much maligned Kalahandi-Bolangir-Koraput (KBK) belt. Steps like upward revision of retirement age have also been taken to draw doctors to government hospitals. But results have been less than encouraging.
People living in the interior areas of the state with poor road connectivity and other infrastructural facilities have been the worst victims of doctors’ apathy. Not willing to serve in such areas doctors either refuse appointments in hospitals and health centres located there or fail to turn up after being posted. Absenteeism among medicos posted in the once ‘cut-off’ ( renamed as Swabhiman Anchal after the inauguration of Gurpriya bridge) area of Malkangiri district has been rampant with quacks having a field day.
With doctors playing truant around 30, 000 people living in 151 villages under nine panchayats of this belt depend almost entirely on quacks for treatment. These semi-educated self proclaimed practitioners of medicine ply their trade even in the daily markets in these villages.
Strangely quacks, who take advantage of people’s ignorance, are active even in the urban areas of the state. They have been playing with the lives of people with state agencies remaining more or less a mute spectator. With the number of quackery victims on the rise the least that the state government can do is to try and identify these impostors and bring them to book immediately when complaints surface.
Apart from coming up with fresh incentives to lure doctors to government hospitals the new health policy should also focus on aspects like curbing the menace of quackery, a phenomenon that thrives on the state’s failure to provide reliable healthcare to people.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: Odisha has always prided itself on its art and culture. Temples scattered across the state bear testimony to its great architectural tradition. The sun temple at Konark, a marvel of architectural excellence, has been listed as a UNESCO heritage site. Apart from the Sri Jagannath temple in Puri and the shrine of lord Lingraj in Bhubaneswar, which draw thousands of tourists and pilgrims daily, there are many smaller temples whose architecture and sculpture stand out.
No wonder the people of the state have reacted with a sense of outrage at non-inclusion of any of these monuments in the Centre’s list of 17 iconic sites to be developed as major tourist destinations across the country. State culture minister is likely to lodge a protest with the Centre and even BJP leaders from Odisha are expected to take up the issue with the concerned ministry in New Delhi.
The bigger question, however, is why was Odisha ignored? Is it because state’s tourist sites do not deserve to be on the list or is it a case of deliberate neglect with Odisha not enjoying the same political clout with the current NDA regime as some other states. The latter seems to be the case considering that importance of monuments like the sun temple at Konark, which has already received international recognition, cannot be denied.
Besides Odisha, more than any other state in the country, needs central help to develop its tourism sector which, given the right kind of support, can be a major contributor to the state’s economy. The truth is our state can rightfully claim richness only in two areas—mines and minerals and arts, culture and natural beauty. The second one makes it an ideal tourist destination.
As far as mines and minerals are concerned the major chunk of revenue goes to the Centre with the state perennially complaining about not getting enough from this sector. However, the bulk of revenue from the tourist sites, if properly developed, would go to the state’s kitty. Forget the money generated through the entry charge imposed on tourists at ASI-protected monuments like the sun temple, the real gain to the state is in the form of commercial activities taking places around these sites. Even the eateries flourishing at major tourist sites pay tax to the state government.
So this is one sector of Odisha’s economy that richly deserves Centre’s support if the state has to grow and be counted among the front ranking states of the country. But these days nothing moves without political clout and Odisha, notwithstanding the popular perception about the growing camaraderie between Prime Minister, Narendra Modi and chief minister, Naveen Patnaik, seems to lack that.
Had it not been so union environment ministry would not have dared to grant two-year work extension to the controversial Polavaram project in Andhra Pradesh despite being aware of Odisha’s objections. Much to the chagrin of the state government the move came within days of a ‘cordial’ meeting between Modi and Patnaik in New Delhi. Odisha has lodged a protest but one wonders if it would be heard. State’s protests over the non-inclusion of any of its sites in the list of Centre’s iconic tourist destinations may also fall on deaf ears.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: Recently newspaper reported about CPI (Maoist), a banned outfit with a history of violence, expelling one of its divisional committee members in Odisha from the organisation for ‘anti-party’ activities. According to some reports, Navin, who was active in the “ swabhiman anchal ” ( earlier known as cut-off area) of Malkangiri, was thrown out because of the atrocities he had committed against local people in violation of the party line.
On the face of it the expulsion of Navin seems to be an attempt by CPI(Maoist) to shore up its dwindling support base in Malkangiri district, once considered its stronghold, by garnering the sympathy of local tribals. The vast majority of tribals inhabiting the inaccessible, Maoist-dominated areas of the district, were once among the most staunch supporters of the rebels. Deprived of development and exploited by government officials and contractors the tribals saw them as messiahs who could punish the wrong doers on their behalf.
However, the Maoists started losing this important support base when a section of their cadres themselves turned into exploiters. There were allegations of extortion and rape against these cadres who brought bad name to the Maoist movement in the state. Cases of tribal girls being sexually exploited in Maoist training camps were reported from districts such as Koraput and Malkangiri which over the years had acquired the reputation of being Red fortresses.
This began the process of alienation of tribals from the Maoist movement which appeared to have deviated from its ideological moorings. Soon the rebels also began targeting tribals for their alleged support to the police and security forces and many of them were killed after being branded “ police informers.”
The trend of Maoists’ killing “ informers ” continues but this has led to a sharp reaction from the tribals inhabiting the rebel dominated areas of Malkangiri and Koraput. At some of these places there are open signs of revolt against the radicals with the tribals taking up arms against them. This seems to have unnerved the rebel leadership with realization dawning that Maoist movement cannot survive without the active support and sympathy of the tribals.
The expulsion of Navin from the ‘party’ can be seen in this perspective. But there could be other reasons, too, behind the move. In the past there have been instances rebel leaders being thrown out of the organisation because of their ideological and tactical differences with the top leadership. While some disagreed with what they called ‘senseless violence’ others like Sabyasachi Panda rebelled against the alleged exploitation of Maoist cadres from Odisha by the more dominant rebel leaders from Andhra Pradesh.
Such expulsions from Maoist ranks, are, however, good news for the police for more often than the expelled leaders and cadres choose the option of surrender. This makes the process of their assimilation with the social mainstream easy. However, there are also instances of such leaders trying to strike out on their own. But such adventures have almost invariably ended in failure. Sabyasachi Panda, who floated his own rebel outfit, is a good example of this. Let us hope that Navin surrenders and returns to the social mainstream.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: It was heart-warming to read about Malkangiri collector, Manish Agrawal’s wife having a safe delivery at the district headquarters hospital. Agrawal’s decision to get his pregnant wife admitted to a hospital that had received a lot of negative publicity only three years ago following a string of Japanese Encephalitis deaths, the victims being children, was not only courageous but also foresighted from the point of view of an administrator. It will help restore people’s confidence in the hospital’s infrastructure and the ability of its doctors.
This is extremely important considering that Malkangiri is a backward district, a part of the infamous KBK belt, where less than satisfactory health facilities and rampant absenteeism among doctors has led people to flock to quacks and black magicians for cures to their diverse ailments. The Japanese Encephalitis deaths had further eroded people’s confidence in the government-run hospitals and it was important to restore their faith in the system.
Like a good and courageous administrator Agrawal has led by example on this front. Given his position he could have got his wife admitted to any top-notch private sector hospital but he decided to avail the services of a hospital which catered to the poorest of the poor in his own district. Such officers deserve our praise.
But having said that there is no denying the shaky health infrastructure in most of the remote districts of the state. The hospitals and health centres in most of these districts neither boast of state of the art facilities nor doctors who inspire confidence. The commitment of doctors has been in question because of their tendency either to work half-heartedly or to play truant when they are required most.
This is not to suggest that all members of the medical fraternity have been behaving in this manner. In fact, some of them have set shining examples of dedication to duty attending to calls from patients in difficult terrains. We have instances where doctors have worked much beyond their duty hours to ensure that tribal women coming to hospitals from inaccessible areas have safe deliveries.
But these are exceptions, not the rule. The overall health scenario in far flung areas of the state continues to be grim with cases of women giving birth by roadside being reported frequently. While ambulances very often fail to reach the needy in time there have also been allegations of doctors in hospitals demanding bribes from patients.
Over the years the state government has taken several steps to improve the scenario. In what may be described as a carrot and stick policy it has offered special incentives to doctors in order to draw them to government hospitals while issuing stern warnings to the medicos playing truant. Once sincerely hopes the government succeeds in setting things in order on this front in the larger interest of the people who cannot afford treatment in the ultra-expensive private hospitals. At the same time one would expect the higher-ups in the administration to follow the example of Agrawal to instil confidence among people about the capabilities of government-run hospitals.
DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: Odisha, which once ranked among the most peaceful and crime-free states of the country, seems to have become an unsafe place for women. Crimes against members of the fair sex have been taking place in the state with alarming frequency.
Of late newspapers have reported a spate of rape cases, some of the victims being minors. The latest case of alleged rape of a minor girl has been reported from Kuchinda in western Odisha, the accused being none other than her teacher.
Statistics show that as many as 17,528 cases of rape were reported in the state in the last 10 years. While this year alone 937 cases of sexual assault have been registered so far, the number of such cases in 2018 and 2017 was 2,502 and 2,221 respectively.
Most shocking, however, is the high incidence of rape of minor girls. At least 4,749 such cases were reported in the state between 2014 and 2017. The number of gang-rapes, too, was quite high during this period with as many as 385 cases registered in different police stations.
These are disturbing statistics indicating a downward plunge in the law and order situation. What makes women more vulnerable to such crimes is the low conviction rate, a result of sloppy investigation in most cases. The criminals get emboldened when they go scot free.
The only positive development on this front has been that the victims, who earlier used to shy away from reporting their trauma for the fear of social stigma, are now coming into open and approaching the police for justice. This is an important factor contributing to the rise in registered cases of crime against women, especially rapes.
Theoretically speaking violence against women (VAW) is as old as the history of mankind. The United Nations (UN) Declaration on the Elimination of VAW (1993) states that “VAW is a manifestation of historically unequal power relations between men and women, which have led to domination over and discrimination against women by men and to the prevention of the full advancement of women, and that VAW is one of the crucial social mechanisms by which women are forced into a subordinate position compared with men.”
Among the factors blamed for growing crime against women, the most widely discussed is the alleged inefficiency of the law enforcing machinery. However, the typical male dominated structure of our society and rise in psychiatric morbidity contribute equally significantly to such crimes.
What is disturbing is that even harsher legislation has failed to check such crimes which is hard to explain in a society heading toward high education, economic and technological development. While the media has played a pivotal role by highlighting the problem and ensuring that increased awareness makes the victims approach police stations with their complaints the need of the hour is that social activists and mental health professionals take up the challenge and present a comprehensive action plan to prevent violence against women in any form.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: There is growing concern in the state over cases of pregnancy of teenage girls in schools and hostels run by SC\ST development department. The issue not only raises moral questions it also puts a question mark over the management of these institutions.
For the record as many as 17 cases of teenage pregnancy have been reported from these schools and the hostels attached to them between 2009 and 2018. Most of the cases have been reported from tribal dominated districts with Nabarangpur accounting for four cases followed by three in Mayurbhanj and two each in Malkangiri, Sundergarh, Kandhmal, Koraput and Dhenkanal.
Notwithstanding claims of disciplinary action against the errant school and hostel authorities by the government such cases continue to be reported, the latest incident taking place in Kandhmal district. Considering that allegations of torture and causing mental trauma have also been made against the teachers and employees of these institutions in the past there seems to be something seriously wrong with their management.
Schools in tribal-dominated areas, irrespective of the department running them, have not been functioning properly with complaints galore against them. Last year there were media reports about 40 students of Tarlakota residential school in Korukonda block of Malkangiri district jumping the school boundary wall in the middle of the night and walking several miles to convey their grievances to the district collector.
Their grievances included lack of electricity and drinking water facilities in their hostel. They decided to lodge a protest with the top district authorities after their repeated complaints in this regard to the school and hostel authorities fell on deaf ears.
Similarly in 2016 a group of 73 girl students of a school in Mayurbhanj district had walked 30 kilometres to meet the then district collector at Baripada to convey their grievances against the newly appointed matron of their hostel. The girls, who had been complaining against the alleged misbehaviour of hostel authorities, declined the police offer to transport them to the collector’s office and chose to cover the distance of 16 kms on foot.
This being the condition of schools and hostels running in tribal areas one can understand the vulnerability of students, especially girl students residing in hostels to abuse of various kinds. The incidents of sexual abuse in the hostels run SC\ST department have been more frequent and apart from raising the issue of moral turpitude they bring the efficiency of the authorities managing these institutions under the scanner.
It goes without saying that the perpetrator these crimes have been taking advantage of their position and the fact that victims invariably happen to be minors who can be lured or coerced into submission easily. The social stigma attached to sex related crimes sometimes helps their suppression and it is safe to assume that several cases of abuse must be going unreported. The cases generally come to light when the victim becomes pregnant. This is a sad state of affairs and the government needs to take immediate action to set things right.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: Tribal inhabitants of Laxmipur block in Koraput district have launched an agitation against the mining of bauxite from the Kodingamali hill in the area. Organised under the banner of Kodingamali Suraksha Manch (KSM) they blocked the road leading to the mines the other day and submitted a memorandum to the district administration listing out their grievances that include high levels of pollution and a threat to livelihood sources as mining has allegedly destroyed minor forest produce (MFP) in the area.
Protests against mining and industries is nothing new. Over the years the state has seen many such agitations, in some cases the protesters succeeding in their mission. One of the most recent examples is the success of the popular movement in Jagatsinghpur district against the proposed steel plant of South Korean behemoth, POSCO.
The company, which had signed a memorandum of understanding with Odisha government, faced resistance right from the beginning. While there were protests at the project site with villagers from three panchayats setting their face against the company war cries were also heard in the Khandadhar area of Sundergarh district where the government had recommended iron ore mining lease in favour of POSCO though it never materialised. The Khandadhar movement, which had overt support of former union minister and Sundergarh MP, Jual Oram, was aimed at safeguarding the ecology of the beautiful Khandadhar hills known for one of the most enchanting waterfalls in the state.
There are many such instances of clash between industry and environment in the state. The issue over the years has acquired the wider dimension of a development versus environment debate with issues of survival thrown in. The debate has intensified in recent times with projects big and small not only causing damage to forests and land but also displacing people, specially tribal people, in different parts of the state.
Displacement has raised issues of compensation and res-settlement which continue to be contentious. In the case of POSCO’s project itself these issues spawned strife pitting two groups in the project area against each other. No compensation is ever seen as fair enough by the affected people and the politicians who invariably get involved in such matters for their own selfish ends.
People in the POSCO project area in Jagatsinghpur had demanded higher compensation than proposed even for the government land they had encroached for raising betel vines and pisciculture. They appeared disinclined to accept what the government and the company claimed was the best possible compensation package.
The development versus environment debate could, thus, go on forever. The best thing to do is to try and strike a balance between the two as both happen to be equally important for our survival. But this is easier said than done. It has often been suggested that there should be an attempt either to locate projects in an area where they cause least possible displacement and damage to environment or to design them in a manner so that they achieve these two objectives. Till date there are very few examples of such perfect projects. One hopes the future throws up an answer.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.)
Bhubaneswar: The worst part of the migrant labour trade is that a sizeable chunk of the labourers going out of the state in search of livelihood are children. According to one estimate, around 30,000 children from the drought belt of Bolangir and Nuapada leave their homes behind to work on farms and brick kilns under extremely harsh conditions. Some end up toiling in sweatshop-style factories.
Most go with their parents for whom life in the alien climes is just as tough. The children, it goes without saying, are never registered as labourers. For that matter, most of the adult migrants also prefer not to register themselves with the government as it suits the labour touts who hire them on behalf of their employers.
Lack of authentic data on child labourers makes them all the more vulnerable to exploitation. In fact, they constitute the most vulnerable section of the migrant labour force. They get paid less than the adults but are often made to work more than them.
Once caught in the vicious trap of this kind of labour, the children continue to suffer physically and mentally. While schooling becomes a dream for them they also find themselves subjected to all kinds of abuses including sexual abuse. Resistance is met with violence.
Not long ago state government had come up with a scheme for the education of the children of migrant labourers who spend a lot of time away from home. These were residential schools where they were provided with free food and other basic facilities. Some of these institutions had made a promising start drawing a large number of children from migrant labour families. I remember visiting one of these schools and meeting some of them.
But I am given to understand that things are no more the same. Attendance in these schools has been going down with no conscious attempt on the part of the authorities to persuade the families to leave their children in hostels when they migrate for work. Poor as they are these families have a tendency to treat young children as assets who can work and contribute to the family kitty.
Only a sustained awareness campaign can change this scenario but nothing significant seems to be happening on this front even though the future of thousands of children is at stake. The government needs to pay special attention to this problem and work in tandem with the voluntary sector to secure the future of these children who appear to be completely adrift at the moment.
Since migrant labour trade, one of the worst forms of human trafficking, is the harsh of reality of life in the hunger zones of the state it is incumbent upon us to ensure that at least children are saved from the exploiting clutches of labour touts and cruel employers who do not hesitate to use violence against them. Both the state and society have a responsibility towards them.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same)
Bhubaneswar: The success of the first-ever day and night cricket test match in India played at Kolkata’s Eden Gardens had created a buzz. That India won this pink ball contest with ease has only made the fans more euphoric about test cricket, like the two shorter versions of the game, being played under floodlights.
This has also renewed the debate about commercialisation of cricket. As India skipper Virat Kohli himself admitted at the post-match press conference marketing of test cricket, supposed to be the purest form of the game, is crucial to draw spectators to the ground. The game needs them and cricket Boards around the world need money to survive and thrive.
India, in fact, has been a late entrant to the day and night test cricket club. The first-ever floodlit Test match was played between Australia and New Zealand at the Adelaide Oval in November 2015. Since then more such matches have been played.
Modern cricket, let us face it, is a lot about ‘tamasha’ kind of entertainment complete with floodlights, cheerleaders and firecrackers. In the shorter versions of the game that mainly pander to the appetite of the hoi polloi for entertainment, even the outfits of players have become colourful. All this is designed to heighten the fun associated with 50-50 and T-20 formats.
The same thing may now happen to test cricket notwithstanding the objections of purists. What the purists don’t realise is that the taste of the people watching the game is changing and test cricket, its longest version, is beginning to bore them. In its traditional form, it is not only extremely slow at most of the times but also fails to produce results. One must realise that a tie in a 50-50 or T20 match and a draw in a test match are two completely different things. While a test matching ending in a draw is almost always boring a tie in the short versions of the game invariably implies edge-of-the-seat excitement.
It was Kerry Packer’s World Series Cricket (WSC) in the 70s that started changing the taste of the cricket lovers. Packer, who wanted exclusive broadcasting rights to Australian cricket then held by the Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC), came up with a new format that drastically changed the nature of cricket. His ad campaign with the catchline “ Big Boys Play at Night,” was a big hit, thanks to the double entendre.
Ever since Packer’s invention has spawned many copycats. The most successful of these has been our own Indian Premier League (IPL) which has turned the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) into perhaps the richest cricket governing body of the world. The success of IPL, which is more entertainment than cricket, has led to the proliferation of clones in different parts of the world with most of them doing reasonably well though nowhere coming near its own commercial success.
In the process of commercialisation, the game has both lost and gained. It is drawing more people to the grounds and cricketers are coming up with some amazing innovations in batting and, occasionally, even bowling. The loss has been in the form of heavy compromise in technique. The straight bat as in ideal is now a thing of past. But the likes of Sehwag had made mincemeat of technique even before that.
So let’s not hesitate to make test cricket more entertaining and with that more lucrative for the respective boards. To quote Virat Kohli once again from his post-match conference at the Eden Gardens: “If you create an excitement only around the T20 cricket and not much around Test cricket then in the psyche of the fans there’s already a certain template that’s established.” He could not be more right.
(DISCLAIMER: This is an opinion piece. The views expressed are author’s own and have nothing to do with OTV’s charter or views. OTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same)